Hardline MP depicts Iran negotiators as donkey repeatedly fooled by wolf
Iranian hardline lawmaker Hamid Rasaei posted an AI-generated video on social media portraying Iran’s negotiating team as a donkey that is repeatedly deceived by a wolf but keeps returning to the negotiating table.
Iran has opened a second case against Ahmad Seyyed-Abdollahi, who is serving a prison term after posting a video urging Donald Trump to protect demonstrators during January’s nationwide protests, sources familiar with the case told Iran International.
The second case was opened in June on the charge of “propaganda against the establishment” and remains at the preliminary investigation stage, the sources said.
Seyyed-Abdollahi, 32, posted the English-language video on January 4, two days after Trump warned that the United States would come to the aid of peaceful protesters if Iranian authorities opened fire on them.
In the video, Seyyed-Abdollahi urged Trump to act quickly, saying many young Iranians had trusted his words and that help would come too late for those killed.
He added that Iranians would remember those who helped them and would seek to repay their friends in the future.
Seyyed-Abdollahi was first arrested on January 14, ten days after posting the video. He was held for about two months in solitary confinement at Borujen Prison and an intelligence detention facility operated by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in Isfahan.
He was released on bail on March 10.
Branch One of the Borujen Revolutionary Court later convicted him of “engaging in media activities against national security,” sentenced him to seven months in prison and barred him from government and public services for five years.
He was detained again on July 7 to begin serving the sentence and transferred to Borujen Prison in southwestern Iran’s Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province, where he remains incarcerated.
Seyyed-Abdollahi was denied access to a lawyer of his choosing during his detention and was at times prevented from contacting his family, according to the sources.
He was among several Iranians who appealed directly to Trump for help during the nationwide protests.
Videos sent to Iran International showed one woman holding a sign reading, “Trump, a symbol of peace. Don’t let them kill us,” while another protester urged him to “do something” as security forces opened fire in Yazdanshahr in Isfahan province.
A protester in the northeastern city of Mashhad also addressed Trump directly and appealed for help during the crackdown.
Trump repeated his warning on January 9, telling Iranian authorities: “You better not start shooting because we’ll start shooting too.”
On January 13, he urged Iranians to continue protesting and wrote that “help is on its way.”
Iranian authorities crushed the protests with lethal force and carried out mass arrests.
The US-based rights group HRANA has reported that more than 50,000 people were arrested during just over six weeks of protests and the ensuing crackdown.
Authorities have since intensified their use of the death penalty against protesters. UN human rights chief Volker Türk said Wednesday that Iran had executed at least 56 people on national security-related charges since March 19, including 27 in cases linked to the January protests.
Amnesty International says at least 60 protest-related defendants, including three who were arrested as children, remain at risk of execution.
From top left: Ali Zaghi, Mehdi Zarif and Mohammad Zanganeh; from bottom left: Najmeh Amini and Vahid Khedrikhah.
Five people detained over Iran’s nationwide January protests have been sentenced to death or are at risk of receiving death sentences in the northeastern city of Mashhad and nearby Shandiz, sources familiar with their cases told Iran International.
Mohammad Zanganeh, Mehdi Zarif and Ali Zaghi have been sentenced to death, while Najmeh Amini and Vahid Khedrikhah face charges that could carry capital punishment, sources told Iran International.
The five cases come amid a sharp escalation in Iran’s use of capital punishment against people detained during the January unrest. The UN human rights chief says at least 56 people have been executed on national security-related charges since March 19, including 27 in protest-linked cases.
Najmeh Amini: Facing capital charges over Instagram stories
Amini, a 23-year-old accounting student, was arrested in Mashhad on February 2 over several protest-related Instagram stories.
Sources said she was beaten and arrested while shopping at a market in the city.
She was held in police custody for two days and forced to confess, according to the sources.
Hengaw reported that Amini faces charges including moharebeh, or “waging war against God,” and collaboration with Israel, accusations that could carry the death penalty.
Amini has been denied access to a lawyer throughout her detention and is being held in Mashhad’s Vakilabad Prison.
Mohammad Zanganeh: Prison sentence followed by death ruling
Zanganeh, a 24-year-old protester, is at risk of execution after the Mashhad Revolutionary Court issued a new notice sentencing him to death.
He has gone on hunger strike in Vakilabad Prison in protest against the ruling.
Sources told Iran International that the court, presided over by Judge Hadi Mansouri, recently notified Zanganeh that he had been sentenced to death.
The same court had previously sentenced him in June to three years, six months and one day in prison on charges including acting against internal and external security, chanting slogans against the Islamic Republic, insulting religious sanctities, calling for protests and unrest, damaging public property and setting fire to a banner of former supreme leader Ali Khamenei.
Sources said his condition in prison is “extremely concerning.”
Before recently being allowed to communicate outside the prison, Zanganeh had been held incommunicado for five months, during which his family had received no information about him.
He was denied access to a lawyer and other basic rights as a prisoner throughout that period, sources told Iran International.
Mehdi Zarif: Death sentence imposed under espionage law
Zarif, a 21-year-old dental technician from Shandiz, is at risk of execution after Iran’s Supreme Court upheld his death sentence, a source familiar with his case told Iran International.
He was arrested at his home on February 14 and, after a period in solitary confinement, suffered a heart-related medical complication during questioning, which the source attributed to pressure exerted by interrogators.
Zarif is currently being held in Mashhad’s Vakilabad Prison.
The source said Branch Five of the Mashhad Revolutionary Court, presided over by Judge Yazdankhah, sentenced him to death under legislation introducing harsher penalties for espionage, cooperation with Israel and collaboration with states deemed hostile to Iran’s national security.
The Supreme Court upheld the ruling, and Zarif’s lawyer was denied access to the full judgment and the case documents, according to the source.
Ali Zaghi and Vahid Khedrikhah
Zaghi has been sentenced to death in connection with the January protests, sources told Iran International.
He was arrested on January 12 in Shandiz, a city near Mashhad. No further details about his case were available.
Khedrikhah, a 32-year-old from Mashhad who is being held in Vakilabad Prison, is at risk of being sentenced to death, informed sources told Iran International.
Khedrikhah, who lost both parents at the age of 12, was taken to a friend’s home for treatment after being wounded in the side on January 9.
Security forces went to the house on January 19 and arrested him, the sources said.
According to the sources, he faces charges of “leading the protests” and moharebeh, or “waging war against God,” the latter of which can carry the death penalty.
Use of death penalty against protest detainees
UN human rights chief Volker Türk said on Thursday that executions and death sentences had risen sharply since March, with more than 100 other people facing national security-related charges that could carry the death penalty.
Mai Sato, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Iran, echoed Türk’s alarm, pointing to a persistent pattern of executing people, including protest participants, on security-related charges.
“The purpose of these executions is to control society by instilling fear through lethal force,” she said.
A cleric tied by marriage to Iran's ruling family has declared the Islamic Republic obsolete, telling followers that a shadow government already exists and urging them to build a 250,000-strong network to replace the system with an "Islamic government."
The roughly five-minute video of Mohammad-Bagher Kharrazi, released Wednesday, shows the head of the Hezbollah of Iran organization addressing a religious gathering, the kind of mosque pulpit from which much of Iran's clerical politics is conducted. What he delivered from it was not a sermon but an organizational plan.
"Before Mr. Saeed Jalili ever said 'I make the shadow government,' we had formed the shadow government, and we still have it... We have 60 thick volumes of plans covering the smallest details of every organ and institution," Kharrazi said, brushing aside the hardline politician who popularized the term.
"We have prepared plans for implementing the guardianship system, even for how to convert the Islamic Republic into an Islamic government. We have the organization and the planning. But because this transition has not happened, they are taking the Islamic Republic from us”
The Islamic Republic, he told the crowd, "has reached a stage where, in this form, it simply doesn't work anymore."
The arithmetic of a takeover
What separates the video from ordinary hardline grievance is that Kharrazi laid out numbers, methods and targets.
Each follower, he said, should recruit 17 people, and each of those another 17. "If we do this and organize at least 250 people in every city, with a thousand cities that makes 250,000 people," he said.
He offered to bankroll the first gathering himself, "at Hezbollah's own expense," promised a meeting of one hundred thousand, and told the audience the network would "surround all the ministries." The crowd answered with a salavat, the blessing on the Prophet that in such gatherings signals assent.
At another point he set the threshold at 530 organizers per city, a figure drawn not from arithmetic but from devotion: in the abjad letter-numerology cherished in his circles, he ties the number to the name of Fatemeh, the Prophet's daughter. The two figures do not reconcile, and may not be meant to.
He then described the endgame: "With one announcement, everyone comes to Tehran, and that single announcement will finish the work. Mr. Khamenei and the government must understand that a 250,000-strong organization stands ready to move."
The government of President Masoud Pezeshkian, he assured his listeners, "will not reach its end. Have no doubt."
Contempt for the republic, president by president
Kharrazi's case against the republic half of the Islamic Republic was delivered as a roll call. "Why should Mr. Hashemi win a vote in this country? Why should Mr. Ahmadinejad win a vote in this country? Why should Mr. Rouhani win a vote? Why should Mr. Pezeshkian win a vote?" The list, spanning nearly every president of the past four decades, implied that the office itself, not its occupants, is the error.
For the current occupant he reserved open abuse, calling Pezeshkian "this buffoon" who "understands nothing," and cursing the physician he blamed for promoting him: "God damn the accursed Marandi, Khamenei's doctor, who foisted Pezeshkian on the nation."
He damned the Guardian Council for approving such candidates, a complaint carrying its own footnote: the same council disqualified Kharrazi himself when he tried to run for president in 2013.
The faithful, he complained, have been reduced to carrying other men's loads. "Hezbollahi forces in this country have become pack mules," he said.
"What business do we have being pack mules for Ghalibaf, who understands nothing of the religion of Islam?"
‘Mojtaba's is more radical than his father's’
The video's most consequential claims concern the man Kharrazi presents as his patron. Describing "forty years of friendship, not mere acquaintance, and numerous private meetings," he told the crowd that the new supreme leader wants what he wants: "Mojtaba's thinking is far more radical than his father's."
He offered what he framed as an insider's history: that Mojtaba Khamenei was cast out of his father's office for three years by its late deputy chief of staff, confined to his home and reduced to ferrying intelligence letters, with even some of his circle pushed away.
Kharrazi claimed credit for protecting the movement through that period: "They wanted to tear out Hezbollah by the roots. I did not let them."
None of these accounts can be independently verified, and they describe a man who has not been seen or heard in public since his selection five months ago.
The claims also come with a fresh credibility problem attached. Only days earlier, the leader's office publicly branded Kharrazi's previous quotations of Mojtaba Khamenei, that Pezeshkian's next resignation after 28 attempts would be accepted, as unauthenticated and false, warning that such material "serves the objectives of the ill-wishers and sworn enemies of the Iranian nation." Pezeshkian denied the resignation as well.
Kharrazi's response to that rebuke may be the most revealing sentence he has produced.
In a statement styled like a senior cleric's communique, he said he accepts the denial "out of respect" for the late and current leaders, "but we hope that after the important coming changes in those offices, this denial will still stand."
The changes he has in mind are not abstract. In the same week, Kharrazi announced that the new leader intends to remove Mohammad-Bagher Zolghadr as secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and hand the post to Mohsen Rezaei, his military aide.
"They are going to replace Mr. Zolghadr, and Mr. Mohsen Rezaei will take his place," he said, adding that Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has been told he has no right to intervene in the negotiations. A man rebuked for speaking in the leader's name answered by announcing the leader's next appointments.
The family and the record
Kharrazi, 65, is as embedded in the Islamic Republic's aristocracy as a cleric can be. His father, Ayatollah Mohsen Kharrazi, sits in the Assembly of Experts; his uncle, Kamal Kharrazi, ran Iran's diplomacy for years and headed its Strategic Council on Foreign Relations until died from injuries sustained in recent Israeli airstrikes in April; his brother Sadegh is a veteran diplomat; his sister is married to Masoud Khamenei, another of Ali Khamenei's sons.
Reuters has reported that the Nobitex cryptocurrency exchange, sanctioned by Washington for helping the Revolutionary Guards evade sanctions, belongs to the Kharrazi family.
His own record is a catalogue of the spectacular. In his 2013 presidential bid he promised to lift sanctions within months, to recover "the territories separated from Iran," from Tajikistan to Azerbaijan, without a drop of blood, and to triple the value of Iran's crashed currency, vowing to bring the dollar from above 3,000 tomans back down to 1,000.
The Guardian Council struck him from the ballot, and even before it did, the Hezbollah coordination council of East Azarbaijan province publicly disowned his group, accusing him of misusing the movement's name and the leader's, and reminding him that by the leader's own explicit guidance, any private quotation attributed to him is to be considered untrue. Thirteen years later, the leader's office is issuing him the same reminder about a different Khamenei.
In clips that went viral this year, he proposed building a nuclear bomb and detonating it in the Atlantic to send a tsunami toward the American coast, and mused about igniting a race war inside the United States.
He studied under Mohammad-Taghi Mesbah-Yazdi, the late theorist whose school long argued that the republic's elections were a concession to be outgrown, which is to say the manifesto is not his invention, only its loudest current recital.
Three readings of one video
The puzzle is not what Kharrazi said but what it means that he can keep saying it. In a state that imprisons filmmakers and poets for far less, a man has now twice in one week put words in the supreme leader's mouth, insulted the president on camera and announced a plan to encircle the ministries, without a knock on his door.
However it is read, the collision at the heart of the video is documented on both sides. The government's own leaked polling shows a society that has drifted decisively from clerical rule, with barely nine percent wanting things to stay as they are. The loudest organizing energy inside the system, on this week's evidence, wants to move the opposite way.
One reading is that the leader's office will now be forced to do more than issue denials, and that Kharrazi's next video will be his last.
A second is bleaker for the system: that there is no functioning leader capable of silencing anyone, and the in-law is filling a vacuum with his own voice.
A third, voiced in exile commentary, is that Kharrazi is not speaking for the present leadership at all but building a following for the day the question of who leads is reopened, including a future in which his own brother-in-law's household sits closer to the throne.
Under any of the three, the fact stands: five months into the new reign, the most detailed public plan for ending the Islamic Republic has come not from its opponents but from inside its founding family's circle, and it points toward more theocracy, not less.
Bodies wrapped in black body bags lie at Kahrizak morgue following the deadly crackdown on anti-government protests in Iran in January 2026.
President Masoud Pezeshkian drew angry reactions from Iranians after rejecting higher estimates of those killed in Iran's January protests and calling those who cite such figures "traitors" in an interview published on Wednesday.
Pezeshkian described the protests as a "riot" and accused people abroad of falsely inflating the death toll.
"Those sitting abroad who present themselves as intellectuals and scholars, yet say 30,000 or 40,000 people were killed, are dishonorable and traitors," he said in the video interview.
His remarks prompted a wave of criticism from citizens who sent messages to Iran International, with many accusing the president himself of bearing responsibility for the killings.
"Mr. Pezeshkian, this is disgraceful. Stop lying and have some shame," one said. "Your hands are stained with the blood of tens of thousands of Iranian protesters. Curse all of you killers and the remaining figures of the Islamic Republic."
Others argued that even the official death toll acknowledged by his administration warranted accountability.
Crowds take part in anti-government protests in Tehran in January 2026.
"Sitting there and saying 3,000 people were killed – first of all, this is not about the number," one citizen from Arak said. "Even if it were those 3,000 people you admit were killed, you should answer for every single one of them."
Another viewer wrote that if Iran had "a normal government," Pezeshkian should face punishment simply for acknowledging that thousands had been killed.
"So if, by your own account, 3,000 people were killed, that's acceptable?" another message read.
Government figures disputed
In mid-February, Pezeshkian's office published a list containing the names of 2,986 people it said were killed during the January protests, saying it had been compiled using data from the Legal Medicine Organization and cross-checked with the National Organization for Civil Registration.
The figure is far below Iran International's editorial board estimate of at least 36,500 people killed during the crackdown. Several international media outlets have also cited similar estimates.
Pezeshkian has repeatedly accused protesters of carrying out armed attacks and sabotage.
In his latest interview, he again described protesters as having been armed by US President Donald Trump, referred to the crackdown as an "incident" and said demonstrations had turned into a "riot" in which "difficult events" occurred.
One person responded by invoking a Quranic verse.
"If your memory serves you, the Quran you probably believe in says killing one innocent person is like killing all humanity," the message read. "Yet you speak about 3,000 deaths as though nothing important happened."
Another accused the president of contradicting earlier official accounts.
Bodies wrapped in blankets lie outside Alghadir Hospital in eastern Tehran following anti-government protests in January 2026.
"It is interesting that you say terrorists killed the victims, yet you become angry at those who say the real figure is 40,000 and call them traitors," he wrote. "That amounts to admitting that the terrorists you blamed were actually yourselves."
Activists challenge official narrative
Human rights activist and former political prisoner Mehdi Mahmoudian also criticized Pezeshkian's remarks.
"Please explain who killed the several thousand people whose deaths you yourself do not deny, and what those responsible for this crime should be called," Mahmoudian wrote.
Separately, critics resurfaced comments by Mojtaba Lotfi, a cleric and former aide to the late Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, who argued that the government's casualty list had been censored.
Referring to his hometown of Najafabad, Lotfi wrote that local records indicated at least 30 victims from the city had been omitted from the official list, suggesting the government's figures were incomplete.
A shopper looks over dairy products in an Iranian supermarket. Retail workers say thefts of basic food items have become more common as economic pressures intensify.
Petty thefts of basic food items are becoming a symbol of Iran's economic hardship, according to a newspaper investigation published on Wednesday that linked supermarket shoplifting to inflation and shrinking purchasing power.
Unlike the corruption scandals that have long dominated headlines in Iran, the report by Jahan-e Sanat focuses on thefts measured not in billions of rials but in loaves of bread, packages of cheese and cuts of meat.
It argues that cases involving everyday groceries are increasingly reflecting economic distress rather than simple criminality.
"There are no billions of tomans, no gold, no luxury villas," the newspaper wrote. "Sometimes it is only a can of cheese, a loaf of bread or a few simple food items."
Days before Jahan-e Sanat published its report, CCTV footage from outside a minimarket at night in the northern city of Babolsar spread widely across Persian-language social media.
The footage appears to show a woman wearing a black chador approaching a display of boxed goods outside the shop. After pausing beside the display and glancing around, she appears to pick up one of the boxes before walking away.
Exactly what prompted the woman's actions remains unknown. But for many Iranians, the clip became less about one apparent shoplifting than about the growing struggle to afford everyday necessities.
"May God never let anyone feel ashamed in front of their family," one user wrote.
"This is what happens when prices keep rising. We live in a country rich in oil and gold, yet the government cannot provide for 87 million people," another commented.
"People simply cannot afford to buy things anymore because prices have become so expensive," another wrote.
Others pleaded with whoever shared the footage not to expose the woman's identity.
"Who would steal a few groceries unless driven by poverty and hunger? God help them," one commenter wrote.
AI-generated image shows a security camera monitoring supermarket shelves in Iran, where reports of petty thefts involving everyday groceries have sparked debate over poverty and the country's worsening cost-of-living crisis.
"Maybe she had no money to buy food for her children. The shopkeeper should have protected her dignity instead of exposing her," another said.
Some comments contrasted the apparent theft with what they described as large-scale corruption, arguing authorities should focus on powerful figures accused of enriching themselves rather than people taking everyday necessities.
The sympathy expressed online echoed account gathered by Jahan-e Sanat from a supermarket employee who described an apparent increase in customers taking inexpensive food items.
Behind the supermarket shelves
Amirhossein, an employee at a large supermarket chain, told the newspaper he had witnessed several such incidents during the past 10 months.
He recalled seeing a woman place two tubs of cheese into her handbag during a busy period before leaving without paying. In another case, he said, security camera footage later showed a man leaving with butter, cakes and pastries concealed beneath his coat.
Staff also stopped a customer who had eaten packaged cakes inside the store and hidden the empty wrappers before trying to leave, according to the employee.
Perhaps most surprising, Amirhossein said, was a regular customer who was caught taking a package of meat.
"I think poverty is the main reason," he told Jahan-e Sanat. "You cannot judge everyone the same way, but when someone steals a simple item, they are probably under enormous pressure. Sometimes, if what was taken has little financial value, we don't pursue it because we think the person's circumstances may have brought them to this point."
'A crisis of livelihoods'
Sociologist Mostafa Abroshan said reports of thefts involving bread, dairy products and other essentials should be viewed in the context of Iran's prolonged economic difficulties.
"Thefts of basic goods, especially food and other necessities, reflect disruptions in economic structures and the declining ability of households to meet their basic needs," he told the newspaper.
"This does not justify theft, but it shows that people's behavior must be understood within its social context."
Abroshan said inflation, declining purchasing power and job insecurity had left many households struggling to afford essential goods.
"A society in which stealing bread, milk or rice becomes more common is facing a crisis of livelihoods and social justice more than a security crisis," he said.
A shopper carries groceries in Iran. Rising prices and declining purchasing power have pushed basic food items to the center of the country's widening cost-of-living crisis.
Prolonged economic hardship, he warned, could also erode social trust, leaving retailers more suspicious of customers, increasing security costs and weakening confidence in public institutions.
While enforcing the law remains necessary, Abroshan said that reducing poverty, controlling inflation, creating jobs and strengthening social support would do more to curb petty theft than harsher punishment alone.
Without addressing the economic pressures facing low-income households, he said, the theft of everyday groceries risks becoming an increasingly visible measure of Iran's widening cost-of-living crisis.