The cost of transporting goods from Turkish ports to Iran has surged over fivefold in less than two months to about $8,000, Iranian media reported, as Washington pressures Turkey to help cut off Iran's overland trade routes to further isolate Tehran economically.
The US naval blockade of Iranian ports has forced Tehran to rely more heavily on land borders to secure essential imports and maintain trade flows, placing increasing strain on transportation networks already struggling with congestion and limited capacity.
Fars News Agency reported Saturday that freight charges from Turkish ports to Iran had climbed from approximately $1,500 to $8,000 in less than two months, adding to the cost of importing goods into the country.
Ehsan Malekzadeh, chairman of Iran's Association of International Transport Companies, told Mehr News Agency that freight rates had reached $7,900 to $8,000, partly because prolonged border delays had created a shortage of trucks available to transport goods into Iran.
Approximately 8,000 trucks are currently stranded at the Bazargan border crossing with Turkey, while Iranian drivers at the Rimdan crossing with Pakistan face delays of 20 to 25 days, according to Fars.
The closure of the nearby Mirjaveh crossing and inadequate infrastructure at Rimdan have compounded the congestion. Each stranded truck incurs an estimated $175 in daily costs, potentially adding thousands of dollars to transportation expenses.
Malekzadeh warned that the disruption was driving up import costs while undermining Iranian exporters' competitiveness, with some export markets already lost.
He said transportation, insurance and related logistics expenses previously accounted for no more than approximately 10 percent of a shipment's value, but now substantially exceeded that benchmark.
Iranian trade officials have previously warned that overland routes cannot fully replace maritime imports.
In August, Davoud Rangi, vice chairman of the Iran Chamber of Commerce's Import Management Committee, estimated that replacing the cargo of a single ship carrying essential goods would require approximately 2,500 trucks.
He warned that land routes through Turkey and Pakistan lacked the capacity to accommodate the volume of goods previously arriving through Iran's southern ports, while transportation costs would rise sharply.
US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told Newsmax on Thursday that Washington was working with Turkey and Pakistan to "cut off all the land routes" into Iran, while describing the United Arab Emirates and Oman as partners in the broader economic pressure campaign.
"We did have a maximum pressure campaign. Now we have an absolute isolation campaign and it's working," Bessent said, referring to Washington's expanding efforts under Operation Economic Outcast.
Iran is seeking more electricity from Turkey and Turkmenistan as war damage and other outages leave thousands of megawatts of industrial and petrochemical power capacity offline, even as Washington presses neighboring countries to help restrict Tehran’s remaining economic routes.
Mohammad Allahdad, head of Iran’s electricity company Tavanir, told ILNA that about 4,700 megawatts of generation capacity belonging to industries and petrochemical companies had gone offline for various reasons.
He said the infrastructure was now in place for petrochemical plants to receive imported electricity from Turkey through Iran’s national grid. The companies have not yet signed contracts for the supply.
“If this does not happen, supplying electricity to these industries will face challenges,” Allahdad said.
War damage drives import push
Allahdad said serious damage during the war to utilities serving petrochemical complexes had sharply increased their dependence on the national grid. Iran supplied the sector with six times as much electricity this summer as in previous years, he said.
He added that Iran currently had no plans to export electricity and was instead focused on increasing imports, particularly during the winter.
Iran is also negotiating with Turkmenistan to extend an existing electricity import agreement and increase the volume of power exchanged between the two countries, according to a government statement.
Officials have also discussed additional cross-border power lines and the possible transit of electricity through Turkmenistan to third countries, though those proposals remain subject to technical and economic studies.
US seeks to close remaining economic routes
The push for additional electricity imports comes as the United States broadens its economic campaign against Iran beyond oil exports and financial sanctions.
US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said this week Washington was working with Turkey and Pakistan to restrict Iran’s overland commercial routes, while describing the United Arab Emirates and Oman as partners in the broader pressure campaign.
“We did have a maximum pressure campaign. Now we have an absolute isolation campaign and it’s working,” Bessent told Newsmax.
Bessent has also said Washington is targeting Iran-linked cryptocurrency and its remaining shipping network. Treasury on Thursday sanctioned 17 vessels and their owners, saying they were part of what remained of Iran’s shadow fleet, while Bessent said the US could seize about $1 billion in Iran-linked digital assets.
The overlap puts Turkey in an unusual position, with Tehran seeking greater electricity supplies from its western neighbor while Washington says Ankara is also cooperating in efforts to constrict Iran’s remaining overland economic links.
US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent this week outlined an expanding campaign of what he called “absolute isolation” against Iran, targeting its oil revenue, overseas financial access and transport routes as Washington seeks to strangle Tehran’s economy.
Speaking to Newsmax on Thursday, Bessent called the United Arab Emirates and Oman good partners in the economic campaign against Iran, adding that Washington was working with Pakistan and Turkey “to cut off all the land routes,” extending its efforts to isolate Tehran beyond oil exports and financial restrictions.
“We did have a maximum pressure campaign. Now we have an absolute isolation campaign and it’s working,” Bessent said.
Bessent said the United States would “probably” seize about $1 billion in Iran-linked cryptocurrency this week, asserting that officials knew where the funds were held.
He also described restrictions on the overseas privileges of Iranian officials, mocking the Revolutionary Guards' access to luxury services and offshore wealth.
“They can’t go see their plastic surgeon in London, their girlfriend in Paris, and their money in Geneva,” he told Newsmax, saying that travel bans and financial restrictions were tightening.
On Thursday, the US Treasury separately sanctioned 17 vessels and their owners in what it described as Iran's remaining shadow fleet. Treasury said the vessels had transported millions of barrels of Iranian crude oil, petroleum products and petrochemicals to markets in South and East Asia, and claimed the action had effectively neutralized the vast majority of Iran's remaining shadow fleet network.
The department said the move targeted the vessels and their international support networks. Earlier measures had expanded sanctions against Iranian airlines, railways, automakers and financial intermediaries.
Earlier in the week, Bessent pointed to what he described as signs of the campaign's success. On Monday, he said Operation Economic Outcast was delivering results, citing the rial's record lows and asserting that Iran had loaded no crude oil onto tankers in September.
On Tuesday, he questioned the appointment of Hamid Bovard as Iran's acting oil minister, asking what he would oversee when, according to Bessent, Tehran had not loaded a single barrel of crude since August 25.
Still, Iran’s oil trade has not come to a complete halt. According to energy intelligence firm Kpler, the country continues to export about 250,000 barrels of oil a day overland and sell crude shipped before the blockade.
However, Kpler’s head of crude oil analysis warned that Iran’s revenue from crude oil and condensate exports could dry up entirely by mid-December, for the first time in its history, if the US blockade remains in place.
“Revenues from crude and condensate will drop to zero for the first time ever,” Homayoun Falakshahi told Iran International's Eye for Iran, warning that Tehran could lose between $3 billion and $6 billion in monthly oil income.
The rial traded near 2.7 million per dollar this week despite the central bank injecting up to $2 billion in cash into the Iranian economy. With oil revenue and foreign-currency access shrinking, further enforcement could deepen pressure on imports and the currency.
Operation Economic Outcast, launched on August 24, expanded US sanctions authority over foreign businesses operating in Iran's digital asset, technology, gold, aviation and shipping sectors. Washington also warned that foreign financial institutions facilitating sanctions evasion could lose access to the US financial system. The administration said countries would be given deadlines to terminate identified Iran-related activities.
Bessent described the ultimate objective as forcing Tehran to choose between reintegration into the global economy and what he called “complete global isolation and a subsistence economy.” The campaign is intended to deprive the Islamic Republic and the Revolutionary Guards of the financial resources sustaining their military operations, weapons programs and regional networks.
Iran has reached a preliminary understanding to allocate land at Chabahar to Taliban-run Afghanistan to build infrastructure for moving its goods to the sea, an Iranian lawmaker said.
Mohsen Zangeneh told Sahar TV during a visit to Afghanistan that the arrangement envisaged about 10 hectares along the waterfront inside Chabahar port and more than 100 hectares in the special zone in an initial phase. The Afghan government would invest in developing the facilities, he said.
“He proposed that we set aside an area in Chabahar for Afghanistan—in other words, that Afghanistan could have land of its own in the free zone at Chabahar port,” Zangeneh said, referring to Afghanistan’s industry minister.
Zangeneh did not specify whether the land would be leased or transferred into Afghan ownership. He said the Afghan side had requested more space within the port itself, but limited coastal land made that difficult.
“We reached this preliminary understanding during this visit and, God willing, we will follow up on it,” he said.
The discussions also covered wider industrial cooperation, a joint industrial park and a goal of increasing bilateral trade to $10 billion, according to Iranian media reports. Zangeneh described the land proposal as a way for Afghanistan to develop the infrastructure needed to transport its goods through Chabahar.
Baloch activists questioned how local residents would benefit, pointing to longstanding problems with housing, employment, infrastructure and access to basic services. They said arrangements for Afghan economic activity in Chabahar dated back to 2012, but questions about the share of development going to Baloch communities remained unanswered.
The Balochistan Human Rights Documentation Network said more than half of Chabahar’s population had at one point lived in informal settlements, with their expansion becoming a major problem for the area.
Against that backdrop, the group said, allocating land for foreign economic activity without disclosing its precise location, ownership arrangements, contract terms or duration of use had heightened concerns. It also questioned the lack of detail about local participation and employment.
Activists called on authorities to identify who would receive the land, disclose investment commitments and explain what obligations would apply to hiring local workers. They also sought clarity on how local communities would share in the revenue and business opportunities generated by the project.
More than two-thirds of respondents to an Iran International Instagram poll said the Trump administration’s pressure on the Islamic Republic is hurting ordinary Iranians more than the authorities.
More than 56,000 people took part in the October 8 poll, with 68% saying ordinary people bear the greatest burden of US pressure. Another 23% said both the public and the government suffer, while 9% said the authorities are affected most.
Men accounted for approximately 76% of respondents and women for 24%.
The largest age group was 25 to 34, representing about 38% of participants, followed by those aged 35 to 44 at 29%. Respondents aged 18 to 24 and 45 to 54 each accounted for 12%.
Thousands of comments accompanying the poll reflected differing views on the economic consequences of US pressure, the Islamic Republic's responsibility for worsening living conditions and whether external pressure could bring political change.
Rising prices dominate concerns
The most common concern among respondents who believed ordinary Iranians were suffering most was the deterioration in daily living conditions.
Many cited rising prices, declining purchasing power, shrinking incomes and the growing financial burden on low-income households.
Others pointed to difficulties accessing medicine and medical treatment, arguing that people with fewer financial resources were particularly vulnerable to economic restrictions.
"Only ordinary people are being crushed under the pressure," one respondent wrote.
Several participants argued that even when US measures target the Islamic Republic, their economic consequences ultimately reach households through higher prices and reduced access to essential goods.
Officials seen as insulated from hardship
Another recurring theme was the perceived gap between the living standards of ordinary Iranians and those of government officials.
Some respondents argued that access to wealth, foreign currency, privileged positions and state resources allowed officials and their associates to avoid some of the hardships experienced by the wider population.
"The main burden falls on the people. The government would even be happy to see people becoming poorer every day," one respondent wrote.
Other participants said the Islamic Republic also suffers from economic restrictions through reduced revenues and limited access to financial resources, but can pass some of those costs on to the public.
For these respondents, the issue was not simply whether sanctions hurt the government or the public, but how the economic burden was distributed.
Economic hardship versus hopes for political change
The sharpest disagreement concerned whether the immediate economic costs of US pressure could be justified by the prospect of political change.
Some respondents acknowledged that ordinary Iranians were suffering but considered the hardship acceptable if it weakened the Islamic Republic or helped bring about a different political system.
"People will endure it because this suffering is worth it for a free Iran tomorrow," one wrote.
Others questioned whether worsening economic conditions would produce meaningful political change.
They argued that household finances could deteriorate far more quickly than external pressure could affect the country's political leadership.
Several respondents held both US policies and the Islamic Republic's economic management responsible for the hardships facing Iranians.
Some likened sanctions to a painful medical treatment, reflecting a willingness among certain supporters of external pressure to accept short-term suffering in pursuit of longer-term political goals.
Others rejected that calculation, arguing that the prospect of political change remained uncertain while the immediate costs to families were already evident.
A divided view of US pressure
Although 68% of respondents believed ordinary Iranians were bearing the greatest burden, their answers did not necessarily show opposition to all forms of US pressure.
Some viewed the economic consequences as unacceptable, while others regarded them as a painful but potentially necessary means of weakening the Islamic Republic.
Likewise, respondents who believed the government was suffering most did not necessarily dismiss the economic difficulties facing households.
Saudi Aramco has hired a US engineering firm to upgrade an offshore oil field it shares with Iran, which has fallen far behind several neighbors in developing shared energy reserves.
KBR said on October 6 that it would provide engineering and project execution services for offshore processing facilities, gas compression and power systems at Marjan in the Persian Gulf. The work is intended to maintain production capacity and improve associated-gas processing. The company did not disclose the contract’s value.
The award follows a wider expansion of Marjan, whose total budget was put at $21 billion by industry publication Oil & Gas Middle East in a 2023 report.
Aramco said the Marjan project added 300,000 barrels a day of production capacity at the end of 2025. The expansion was designed to bring the field’s capacity to 800,000 barrels a day.
Iran calls its side of the reservoir Forouzan. Iran Open Data estimated Iranian production at about 35,000 barrels a day in a January 21 assessment, attributing the country’s wider difficulties developing shared fields to underinvestment and management constraints.
Saudi Arabia has also expanded its gas-processing infrastructure. Aramco said the Tanajib plant began operations in December 2025 and was expected to reach a raw-gas processing capacity of 2.6 billion cubic feet a day in 2026, handling supplies from both Marjan and Zuluf.
On the Iranian side, the Oil Ministry’s SHANA news agency reported in February that a project to collect gas otherwise burned off at Forouzan and other offshore fields was 76% complete. It said operations were expected to begin in 2028, subject to financing.
Saudi Arabia and Kuwait advance disputed gas project
Saudi Arabia and Kuwait are also moving ahead with development of the Durra offshore gas field, which Iran calls Arash and claims a share of.
Industry publication MEED reported in August that Al-Khafji Joint Operations had awarded contracts for two offshore packages and one onshore package worth an estimated $6.7 billion. The venture is jointly owned by Aramco Gulf Operations Company and Kuwait Gulf Oil Company, subsidiaries of the two countries’ state energy companies.
Iran says part of the field extends into its waters and that it should participate in development. Saudi Arabia and Kuwait reject that claim and maintain that rights to the field belong exclusively to them.
Iran’s wider production gap
The disparity extends to fields Iran shares with other neighbors. In its January assessment, Iran Open Data estimated UAE production from shared oil fields at 130,000 barrels a day, against 58,000 for Iran.
It put Iraq’s extraction from shared oil fields at roughly twice Iran’s and Qatar’s oil-layer output from the South Pars/North Field reservoir at 13 times Iran’s.
Oman was an exception: the assessment put each country’s production from the Hengam field, known as West Bukha in Oman, at about 10,000 barrels a day.
Iran’s national crude production has since fallen sharply during the war. The International Energy Agency estimated output at 2.16 million barrels a day in August, down from 3.59 million in February—a decline of about 40%.
