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ANALYSIS

Iran’s negotiators have 60 days; its factories may not

Mohamad Machine-Chian
Mohamad Machine-Chian

Iran International

Jun 25, 2026, 13:21 GMT+1

Iran’s negotiators have opened a renewable 60-day clock. Its factories may not have that long. The Chamber of Commerce’s own PMI survey shows warehouses emptying, orders drying up and production lines at risk of stoppage within months.

Every serious economy watcher knows the ritual. At the start of each month, the purchasing managers’ indexes land, and markets move.

A PMI is the closest thing economics has to a pulse reading. Surveyors ask the people who run companies a simple set of questions about the month just ended: did production rise or fall, did new orders come in, are you hiring?

The answers are compressed into a number from 0 to 100. The 50 line separates growth from contraction. A few points below 50 signals trouble.

Readings under 40 usually belong to crises. When the index for US manufacturing fell to 41.5 in April 2020, with the country in lockdown, it made headlines for weeks.

A pulse reading below crisis level

Iran has a PMI too. Few outside the country have heard of it.

Since 2018, the research center of Iran’s Chamber of Commerce has surveyed managers of Iranian firms every month, following standard PMI methodology, and published the result under the Persian acronym Shamekh. The acronym is formed from Shakhes-e Modiran-e Kharid, literally “the index of purchasing managers.”

It is the instrument Iran’s own business establishment built to take the economy’s pulse. Official inflation statistics can be delayed, reweighted and narrated. A factory’s order book is harder to argue with.

That is what makes the latest readings so remarkable.

In March, the month war hit business conditions, Iran’s manufacturing Shamekh registered 26.2.

Some calibration is necessary, because the scale matters.

In April 2020, the cruelest month of the pandemic for many economies, Spain’s manufacturing PMI fell to 30.8. Britain’s fell to 32.6, its worst reading in roughly three decades. India, which confined 1.4 billion people to their homes, recorded 27.4, the lowest in that survey’s history.

Iran’s manufacturing sector in March came in below every one of them.

And the comparison flatters the situation, because those pandemic readings measured economies in a medically induced coma. Governments had deliberately and temporarily shut commerce down. Within months, every one of those indexes was back above 50.

No one switched Iran’s economy off to save lives.

Epic Fury may have concluded, but the economic fury continues. Judging by the latest figures, it is working. Iran’s industry is being suffocated by war, sanctions and the lingering effects of a naval blockade whose dismantling has now been promised but not yet proved in economic life.

The difference is the difference between a pause and a stroke.

Empty warehouses, falling orders

The 26.2 reading was never announced in a standalone report.

The chamber skipped its March publication. The figure surfaced quietly in a chart accompanying the April edition.

April itself brought no relief worth the name. Manufacturing stood at 37.4, while the whole-economy index was 38.5. Apart from March, these were the lowest readings in the survey’s history.

Iranian industry has now spent five consecutive months below the 50 line, meaning five straight months of contraction.

The Iranian New Year holidays, known as Nowruz, always slow business activity around late March and early April. Factories close, workers travel and early-spring readings often weaken. But the survey has eight Nowruz seasons on record, and none came anywhere near these levels.

Ten of the survey’s eleven components are below 50.

New orders, at 37.4, show demand drying up at home and in export markets alike. Delivery times, at 39.6, carry some of the report’s most telling explanations: internet shutdowns, broken payment channels and import restrictions.

Raw-material inventories stand at 32.6. That is not just a weak number; it is a warning about the physical ability to keep producing.

Here the chamber’s own language turns blunt. If conditions persist, it warns, production lines face partial or complete stoppage in the months ahead.

Employment, at 36.8, is the lowest in the survey’s history, even lower than during the war month itself. The layoffs did not end with the ceasefire. They are deepening.

One component points the other way, and it completes the picture.

The price of raw materials stands at 77.4, deep in inflationary territory. Iranian firms are producing less, selling less and paying more for what they buy.

Demonstrating stagflation usually requires setting two datasets side by side. Here, both halves sit on a single page of a single report, published by a single institution.

The costs are already passing through to households. Consumer prices rose nearly 9 percent in May. Not at an annual rate. In one month.

That is roughly what American consumers endured across the whole of 2022.

A 60-day clock factories may not have

What turns a bad snapshot into a worse forecast is the composition underneath.

For years, two sectors helped hold the index up: steel and petrochemicals. They are among Iran’s principal earners of hard currency, and they reliably scored above 50, pulling the average with them.

By the chamber’s own account, both were directly struck in the war.

Their weakness closes a loop. Fewer exports mean less foreign exchange. Less foreign exchange means scarcer and costlier imported inputs. Scarcer inputs mean still less production.

Set that loop beside the emptying warehouses, and beside a blockade that, by available estimates, has cost the economy on the order of $430 million a day. Even if the new memorandum begins to unwind it, the damage already done will not disappear on the day diplomats announce progress.

The component worth watching now is the quietest one: expectations of production for the month ahead.

It stands at 32.2, among the lowest readings the survey has ever produced. That question is about the future, answered by the people with the most direct knowledge of it and the least incentive for theater.

A memorandum now promises to change that future. A promise of the same kind preceded last year’s 12-day war in June 2025. Whether this one holds, or goes the way of that one, is the open question.

The agreement commits Washington to begin dismantling the blockade at once. But a signed page is not a furnace relit.

The talks in a Swiss resort started last week, and the 60 days the memorandum allots to reach a deal are, in the American president’s own telling, extendable by mutual consent.

Tehran has run this clock before. It is reportedly running it now over Lebanon.

At current inventories, the chamber’s surveyors warn, production lines face stoppage in the months ahead.

A government that spends its factories’ last quarter on a war beyond its borders has ranked its priorities. The managers who answered at 26 sit far down the list.

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Ships are seen in the Strait of Hormuz from southern Iran on June 18, 2026.

An ultraconservative Iranian outlet warned on Wednesday that a temporary shipping corridor announced by Oman in coordination with the International Maritime Organization could become a “direct challenge” to Iran’s position in the Strait of Hormuz.

Raja News argued that the Omani route, which it said runs south of the traditional Traffic Separation Scheme and through Omani coastal waters, could create a parallel system for shipping in Hormuz outside Iranian oversight.

The report came after Oman announced on June 23 that it was providing vessels with the option of using a temporary maritime corridor in the Strait of Hormuz, coordinated with the IMO and based on coordinates announced by the UN shipping agency and Omani authorities.

Oman said the corridor was in line with efforts by the United States and Iran and was intended to guarantee freedom of navigation “without imposing any tolls.” It said ships seeking to transit should coordinate with the IMO.

The IMO said the corridor was part of a wider evacuation plan for more than 11,000 seafarers stranded in the region after months of disruption to civilian shipping.

“We have secured the necessary safety guarantees and have thoroughly verified the conditions for safe navigation to support these operations,” IMO Secretary-General Arsenio Dominguez said in a June 23 statement.

Raja News said Oman’s reference to free passage with no tolls was the key point, arguing that it could undercut any Iranian effort to shape future transit terms in Hormuz.

Raja News described the Omani corridor as a “dangerous” step, saying it could divert ships from a northern passage announced by Iran after the usual shipping lane through Hormuz was disrupted during the recent conflict.

It also argued that the route could preserve a US security role in the strait while presenting it as voluntary support for safe transit rather than a coercive military presence.

Raja News said the issue required a rapid response from Iran’s negotiating team and, if necessary, from military institutions, to prevent what it called an apparently temporary arrangement from becoming entrenched.

“Oman’s decision, made just one day after talks with Iranian officials in Muscat, requires a swift response from Iran’s negotiating team and, if necessary, the country’s military institutions to prevent this apparently temporary precedent from being implemented and entrenched in the Strait of Hormuz,” the report said.

Oman’s statement, however, framed the measure as a temporary maritime option tied to freedom of navigation, international law and the law of the sea.

On Thursday, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio framed the dispute as a test of Iran’s conduct rather than its rhetoric, effectively placing Washington behind the Omani-IMO route as an operational benchmark for safe passage through Hormuz.

He said Iranian officials and media could continue making “maximalist” public statements, but warned that if such rhetoric translated into threats against vessels or disruption of shipping, Washington would treat it as a violation of the agreement.

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CoinEx, the report said, has emerged as the largest foreign counterparty to Iran's biggest cryptocurrency exchange, Nobitex, replacing Binance after the latter tightened sanctions compliance.

The Journal said its reporting drew on blockchain data compiled by blockchain intelligence firm TRM Labs, which traced transactions involving more than 60 Iranian-linked entities.

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Yang told the Journal that CoinEx recently stopped accepting new users from Iran and began removing existing Iranian accounts after US sanctions earlier this month targeted Nobitex.

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Canadian security agencies flagged an Iranian doctoral student at Carleton University as a threat to national security, saying his aerospace research could help advance Iran’s weapons programs, Global News reported on Wednesday.

The report said Mohammadreza Pakatchian, 41, was pursuing a PhD in aerospace engineering at the Ottawa university after beginning studies online in 2023.

The Canadian Security Intelligence Service said Pakatchian worked for MAPNA, an Iranian company sanctioned by Canada over weapons of mass destruction concerns, and planned to return to the company after completing his studies, according to Global News.

“[He] represents a danger to the security of Canada,” the report quoted Canadian security records as saying.

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The Canada Border Services Agency said knowledge gained through his studies “could be used to contribute to advancing Iran’s military and weapons systems,” Global News reported.

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Pakatchian worked as a designer of axial compressors, which can power jet engines and have civilian and military uses, the report said.

Canadian agencies also cited his association with Mahmoud Mani, an academic at Tehran’s Amirkabir University whose work focused on missile aerodynamics, rocket engines and ballistic missiles.

Pakatchian did not respond to requests for comment. His lawyer declined to comment, saying he did not have permission from his client, while CSIS, the border agency and Carleton University did not comment, Global News reported.

Pakatchian arrived in Canada in 2023, according to immigration records cited by Global News. In May, he asked the Federal Court to order the government to decide on his student visa and sought C$10,000 in compensation over delays.

The court dismissed his application on June 9, the report said.

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A former North Korean diplomat said Pyongyang received about $25 million for providing Iran with tunnel technology that he understood was used extensively at underground nuclear facilities near Natanz and Isfahan.

Ryu Hyun-woo, a former acting ambassador at North Korea’s embassy in Kuwait, made the remarks in an interview published this month by the Korea Development Institute, a prominent South Korean think tank.

“North Korea provided Iran with tunnel design and technology in the early 2000s, receiving about $25 million,” Ryu said.

“I understand that North Korean tunnel technology was applied to a considerable extent at underground nuclear facilities in areas such as Natanz and Isfahan,” he added.

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Possible transfer to Hezbollah and Hamas

Ryu said reports of direct North Korean links to Hezbollah and Hamas were inaccurate.

“Many media outlets talk about North Korea-Hezbollah and North Korea-Hamas links, but that is not true,” he said.

He said North Korea was unlikely to have directly transferred tunnel expertise to either group, but added: “It cannot be ruled out that Iran transferred tunnel-related technology it received from North Korea to Hezbollah or Hamas.”

Earlier reporting

The comments follow a March report by The Washington Times, which said North Korean entities had supplied Iran with underground construction expertise and missile technology.

The newspaper cited Bruce Bechtol, a former US Marine and political science professor at Angelo State University, as saying North Koreans helped build underground facilities in Iran, including at Isfahan, in the early 2000s.

“Most of Iran’s underground facilities – including Isfahan – were built in the early 2000s by North Koreans,” Bechtol told the newspaper.

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Jun 25, 2026, 10:15 GMT+1
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Sources detail Ali Khamenei bunker with blast-resistant room
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IRGC Brigadier General Hassan Akbari (left), who supervised construction of the underground bunker complex while serving as one of Ali Khamenei's closest bodyguards, stands beside the former supreme leader.

An underground complex built by the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) to protect former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei included a blast-resistant room and escape tunnels beneath central Tehran, according to information received by Iran International.

Iran International obtained architectural plans for the facility from an informed source, and a security source confirmed the documents’ authenticity.

The plans show that the IRGC spent about a decade building the underground compound, known as Habib Ebrahimi, next to Khamenei’s official residence.

The complex, named after Khamenei's former driver Habib Ebrahimi, who died before construction began, was built between 2009 and the late 2010s, according to the information.

Underground network

According to the plans, the main vehicle entrance allowed cars to descend about 30 meters underground into the complex.

Architectural plans obtained by Iran International show the layout of the IRGC-built underground bunker beneath the former supreme leader's compound in Tehran.
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Architectural plans obtained by Iran International show the layout of the IRGC-built underground bunker beneath the former supreme leader's compound in Tehran.

A 27-meter tunnel linked the bunker to multiple escape routes, including exits toward streets around. Another tunnel reportedly connected the facility to a parking garage near the Enghelab square in central Tehran.

Iran International reviewed construction images showing one tunnel exit during excavation, as well as separate images depicting a five-level underground office complex for senior officials attached to the Office of the Supreme Leader.

Sources familiar with the project, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the site was concealed beneath what appeared to be a sports center. Below ground, the facility included a three-level parking garage, target ranges and two shelters located approximately 30 and 35 meters beneath the surface.

Plans show one of those shelters contained a blast-resistant room intended to protect Khamenei during missile attacks.

Construction and oversight

The documents showed construction began in 2009 with Khamenei's approval and was financed by the IRGC's Khatam al-Anbiya Construction Headquarters.

The project was overseen by the IRGC's engineering division, then headed by Brigadier General Ali Masjedian, while execution was assigned to the Shahid Rajaei Institute, a subsidiary of Khatam al-Anbiya.

The institute was headed by Brigadier General Hossein Akbari. His brother, Brigadier General Hassan Akbari, supervised construction while serving both as one of Khamenei's closest bodyguards and as an official in the IRGC unit responsible for protecting the Supreme Leader.

Brigadier General Hossein Akbari, the former head of the IRGC's Shahid Rajaei Institute, which oversaw construction of the underground bunker complex for Ali Khamenei.
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Brigadier General Hossein Akbari, the former head of the IRGC's Shahid Rajaei Institute, which oversaw construction of the underground bunker complex for Ali Khamenei.

The IRGC-linked Fars News Agency previously reported that Hassan Akbari was accidentally killed on April 29, 2016, after a weapon malfunction during a training mission.

A security source, however, told Iran International that his death was tied to an internal power struggle inside the Office of the Supreme Leader.

Contradictory public statements

The Habib Ebrahimi complex was among the Israeli military’s targets during a March 2026 strike on the Supreme Leader’s compound.

Satellite imagery reviewed by Iran International, however, did not show clear evidence that the underground facility had been destroyed.

Satellite image highlighting the underground bunker complex beneath the former supreme leader's compound in central Tehran.
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Satellite image highlighting the underground bunker complex beneath the former supreme leader's compound in central Tehran.

The discovery contrasts with public remarks by former Iranian officials. Former Interior Minister Mostafa Pourmohammadi had said Khamenei had no underground shelter, while Ezzatollah Zarghami, a former broadcasting chief and tourism minister, said Khamenei had opposed building one for himself.

Khamenei was killed in a targeted Israeli strike on his residence on February 28, 2026, during a meeting of Iran's Defense Council. The Financial Times later reported that Israel had used hacked traffic cameras and telecommunications infrastructure around the area to identify the gathering before the attack.