Hannah Neumann declines meeting with Islamic Republic envoy
European Parliament lawmaker Hannah Neumann said she had declined a meeting request from Iran’s ambassador to France, citing the government’s treatment of critics and efforts to target dissidents abroad and spy on European representatives.
“I have received a request for a meeting with the Ambassador of the Islamic Republic to France. I declined it,” Neumann wrote on X. “My door is open to the people of Iran. It is not open to those who represent and execute their repression.”
In her reply to Iran’s embassy, Neumann said the Islamic Republic “does not represent Iran or the Iranian people.”
“The Iranian people are the legitimate source of sovereignty in Iran. A regime that imprisons, tortures and kills people for demanding freedom cannot claim to speak in their name,” she wrote.
Neumann said the Islamic Republic pursues dissidents, journalists and human rights defenders abroad through “intimidation, surveillance, cyber operations, abduction and lethal plots.”
She said an Iranian-linked cyber-espionage operation had targeted her and her parliamentary office, attempting to access their communications and information about her work and contacts.
She voiced support for European Parliament President Roberta Metsola’s decision to bar Iranian diplomatic staff and representatives from the parliament, and said she would not move the meeting to an embassy or another venue.
“There will therefore be no meeting with Ambassador Nejad, inside or outside the European Parliament,” Neumann wrote.
She said her door remained open to Iranians and those fighting for “freedom, democracy and a free Iran.”
Prisoners at an Iran prison face severe overcrowding, infectious diseases and shortages of food, medicine and medical care, according to accounts obtained by Iran International.
The accounts from Dastgerd Prison in the central city of Isfahan describe crowded wards, poor sanitation and severe obstacles to treatment, with several people familiar with conditions there describing the spread of meningitis and other infections.
“Meningitis and colds are rampant in the prison, and there are no pills or medicine,” a former prisoner told Iran International.
Around 10,000 people are being held at Dastgerd, compared with a standard capacity of about 4,000 to 5,000, according to information.
Food shortages compound overcrowding
Nutrition is so poor that many prisoners have become physically weak and more vulnerable to illness.
File photo of the inside of Isfahan’s Dastgerd Prison, published by rights groups. Image enhanced using AI.
Breakfast is not distributed on some days, and lunch and dinner are rationed. Food can also be difficult to obtain from the prison shop, even as cigarettes remain consistently available and various drugs are easily accessible inside.
Some wards hold between 1,300 and 1,500 prisoners, another person familiar with conditions at Dastgerd said. The combination of overcrowding and inadequate sanitation has helped diseases spread.
Prisoners, particularly political ones, in some cases deprived of phone calls, treatment, medicine, adequate food, sanitation, correspondence and some judicial rights.
Iran International reported on July 21 that prisoners must register to visit the medical center. In rooms housing around 40 people, only two are allowed to seek medical attention each week.
Meningitis spreads as prisoner deaths mount
Several accounts received in recent months point to the spread of meningitis at Dastgerd. Iran International previously reported that the disease had reached several wards and that a number of prisoners were transferred to hospital.
Two prisoners had meningitis when one former inmate arrived at Dastgerd. One suffered a seizure in the admissions section and died, while the other died after being transferred to hospital.
The former inmate said prisoners had in previous years received meningitis and tetanus vaccines upon arrival, but the vaccinations were no longer being administered during the person's recent detention.
More than 70 prisoners have died from illnesses over roughly the past five months, according to another person familiar with conditions at the prison. At least 15 of those who had died by September 21 were from a single ward.
Prisoners suspected of having meningitis have in some cases been sent to hospitals for spinal fluid testing. Some were returned to Dastgerd before completing treatment and recovering.
File photo of the inside of Isfahan’s Dastgerd Prison, published by rights groups. Image enhanced using AI.
The prison is also infested with bedbugs and other pests, according to accounts. Recent Iran International coverage documented bedbugs, fleas and ticks alongside increasing skin conditions and infections in the wards.
Blankets and bedding are heavily contaminated, one former prisoner said, with some inmates developing serious eye infections that leave them unable to open their eyes in the morning.
The person needed nearly two months of treatment after being released on bail, including regular injections and intravenous fluids during the first two weeks.
Fever, chills, body aches and infections of the lungs, throat, eyes and ears were widespread. Some prisoners contracted several illnesses at once, leaving them severely weakened.
Medicine shortages restrict treatment
Severe medicine shortages have compounded the health problems, while political prisoners can face particular difficulties gaining access to the prison clinic.
Denial of treatment has in some cases been used to exert pressure on political prisoners, according to one former inmate.
Prison authorities told inmates that the clinic had burned down, that medicine was unavailable and that there was no budget to buy supplies.
One prisoner offered to deposit 500 million rials into a prison account to pay for medicine. The offer was accepted, but most of the supplies subsequently purchased were acetaminophen and basic cold remedies, with insufficient antibiotics available for serious infections.
Families have also tried to bring necessary medication into the prison, only for authorities in some cases to refuse delivery or confiscate part of the medicine during inspections.
Sedatives, sleeping pills and drugs, by contrast, are widely available among prisoners, according to the former inmate.
Iran International has obtained exclusive information and documents indicating that Mostafa Ahadi, a senior official in the IRGC Intelligence Organization, runs the organization’s corruption network in the sale of Iran’s oil.
Over the past two months, Iran International has published three separate reports naming the trustees — oil brokers trusted by the Islamic Republic to sell Iran’s sanctioned oil — who have failed to return billions of dollars in oil proceeds to the country.
On September 28, Judiciary Chief Gholamhossein Mohseni-Ejei criticized delays in handling cases involving trustees with outstanding debts and called for swift rulings. Iran International has obtained a confidential Supreme National Security Council document in which the council’s deputy for economic affairs confirms that oversight bodies alter the trustees’ debt figures according to their own interests, inflating some debts and understating others.
The council’s deputy has asked the Ministry of Intelligence and the IRGC Intelligence Organization to report on the missing funds. The letter makes it easier for IRGC Intelligence, the principal organization implicated in the corruption surrounding oil sales, to gain access to the case.
Trustees’ case returns to IRGC Intelligence
Two informed sources in the Oil Ministry and an oversight body told Iran International that the Supreme Audit Court and the General Inspection Organization are currently pursuing the trustees’ cases. But through the maneuvering of a senior security official and an order from the Supreme National Security Council, the case has effectively returned to the IRGC Intelligence Organization.
That senior security official, whose photograph Iran International is publishing for the first time, is Mostafa Ahadi. He is now deputy head of Unit 600 of the IRGC Intelligence Organization, having previously served as its deputy for economic affairs. Through his positions in IRGC Intelligence and the Supreme National Security Council over the past decade, Ahadi has had a firm grip on Iran’s oil sales.
Several months ago, Brigadier General Mehdi Sayyari appointed Ahadi deputy head of Unit 600. Sayyari served for years as deputy head of the IRGC Intelligence Organization and became acting head of one of the country’s most important security organizations following the killing of Majid Khademi.
In the late 2010s, when responsibility for selling oil under sanctions was assigned to the Supreme National Security Council, Ahadi joined the council as deputy for economic affairs. Without his security background becoming known to international organizations, he attended two BRICS summits, in Russia and Brazil.
His involvement in Iran’s oil trade is so extensive that he even accompanies Oil Ministry officials on visits to oil terminals on Kharg Island.
While serving on the Supreme National Security Council, Ahadi sent his former deputy, Mohammad Javad Bavand, to the council’s cover committee as a representative of IRGC Intelligence, ostensibly to oversee sanctioned oil sales. His principal responsibility, however, was to secure profits from corruption in the oil trade for the IRGC Intelligence network.
Bavand, who served as a special assistant to the oil minister for oil sales during Ebrahim Raisi’s administration, returned to the role about four months ago. According to a General Inspection Organization document first published by Iran International, he assigned the sale of a large 86-million-barrel oil consignment to four trustees with outstanding debts, including Mohammad Hadi Momenin.
Bavand’s close ties to Mohammad Hadi Momenin
Iran International has obtained exclusive information indicating that the relationship between the two extends well beyond this corruption case.
A General Inspection Organization document published by Iran International revealed that the sale of 86 million barrels of Iran’s oil had been assigned to four trustees with outstanding debts.
Six years ago, Mohammad Hadi Momenin was arrested on suspicion of disrupting the foreign exchange system. He had received hundreds of millions of dollars in preferential foreign currency to import machinery for the paper industry and had failed to return the funds. At the time, Mohammad Javad Bavand used his influence to have the case closed. Momenin, who was a shareholder in Mahan Industries and Mines Development Holding, then appointed Bavand to a management position as his representative. Gardeshgari Bank is the holding company’s principal shareholder.
On Monday, September 28, Hadi Ghavami, the parliamentary representative for Esfarayen, told a plenary session: “The trustees who took oil out of the country also stole $300 million, equivalent to 69 trillion tomans, from Gardeshgari Bank, and under these circumstances, the Central Bank has given them a credit line with a 45 percent penalty.”
In June 2020, Momenin was arrested again on allegations of financial corruption and disrupting the foreign exchange system, but his case was once more closed with Bavand’s help. An investigator’s report quoted Momenin as saying that he had used his employees to register numerous shell companies in China, Taiwan, Singapore and the United Arab Emirates. The companies existed for between three and 14 months.
Another part of the case revealed that Momenin’s holding company had received large loans from Mellat Bank, Refah Bank, Karafarin Bank, Bank of Industry and Mine, Saman Bank and Middle East Bank, yet none of the banks had filed a complaint against him.
In July, the Central Bank published a list of major bank debtors showing that Mohammad Hadi Momenin owed Karafarin Bank 743 billion tomans.
Two informed sources in the Oil Ministry and an oversight body told Iran International that Ahmad Baharvandi, who became Karafarin Bank’s chief executive five years ago, was in fact an associate of Bavand within IRGC Intelligence. Both men studied at Imam Sadiq University. Mostafa Ahadi also studied there and was a member of the university’s student Basij organization.
At Bavand’s request, Baharvandi did not pursue Momenin’s 743-billion-toman debt. In turn, Momenin took Bavand on a trip to China.
Mohammad Hadi Momenin was a member of the Ministry of Intelligence’s oil sales corruption network known as Shayan, which failed to return $2 billion in oil proceeds.
Secret IRGC meeting held to counter reporting on trustee corruption
After Bavand returned to the Oil Ministry, Momenin became his trusted trustee for oil sales despite a warning from the General Inspection Organization. Over the past month, following the publication of investigative reports, Momenin and Bavand have found themselves back in the headlines against their wishes.
Mostafa Ahadi, the godfather of the IRGC Intelligence corruption network, used his new position to address the problem. Two informed sources in the Oil Ministry and an oversight body told Iran International that a secret meeting was held two weeks ago at the IRGC’s media headquarters. Those present included Abdullah Zeighami, also known as Brigadier General Moshfegh, Bavand and Ahadi.
The meeting’s objective was to prevent media coverage of trustee corruption. One result was the removal of reports about the scandal from Mehr News Agency, which is affiliated with the Islamic Propagation Organization, and Hamshahri, a newspaper owned by Tehran Municipality.
At the same time, Ahadi used the Supreme National Security Council to return responsibility for the trustees’ cases to IRGC Intelligence so that the security organization’s cycle of profits from oil sales would continue.
A man displays US dollar banknotes on a street in Tehran, Iran.
Iran’s rial fell to another record low on Monday, with the dollar reaching 2.45 million rials as economic and military pressures persisted and efforts took shape for possible new indirect talks with the United States.
Mediators are expected to hold separate talks with the United States and Iran on Monday or Tuesday over an amended version of a seven-day proposal Tehran presented on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, sources briefed on the negotiations told Reuters.
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and Qatari mediators remained in the United States for the discussions, an official briefed on the negotiations said.
The diplomatic effort comes with divisions visible inside Iran over negotiations and the country’s nuclear policy, while military officials continue to warn about another confrontation with Washington.
Diplomacy meets resistance at home
A group of serving and former Iranian officials called Monday for an immediate halt to cooperation under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and withdrawal from the pact “as soon as possible.”
“Continued membership in this treaty is not in the country’s interest, and we call for withdrawal from it as a strategic necessity,” the signatories said.
Former intelligence minister Heydar Moslehi and other former officials from the administrations of Ebrahim Raisi and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad signed the statement alongside serving lawmakers.
Hardline newspaper Kayhan also criticized Iran’s diplomatic approach, saying officials had shown excessive enthusiasm for negotiations during President Masoud Pezeshkian’s visit to New York and sent Washington “a signal of weakness.”
Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, meanwhile, emphasized Iran’s military position, describing the country as the “world’s top power” according to what he called “divine calculations” and saying enemy forces had been pushed back from waters near Iran.
Military pressure centers on Hormuz
Iranian officials continued to point to the Strait of Hormuz in their warnings to Washington.
“We are acting with authority in the northern Arabian Sea and east of the Strait of Hormuz, and we will not let anyone pass. On the other side, our IRGC brothers are also standing firm,” army deputy coordinator Habibollah Sayyari said.
Lawmaker Salar Velayatmadar said Iran could close the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab if the United States launched another attack.
Rial falls under trade and oil pressure
The economic backdrop to the negotiations has also deteriorated, with the US dollar listed at 2.45 million rials on Iran’s open market Monday.
Iranian businesses are facing higher costs in trade with neighboring Iraq as banks tighten checks and anti-money-laundering requirements, head of the Iran-Iraq Joint Chamber of Commerce, said.
The main danger was not a complete halt in trade but a gradual loss of Iran’s share of the Iraqi market, Jahangbakhsh Sanjabi Shirazi, said.
Washington is also seeking to restrict Iran’s oil income more. Iran could have “nothing left to trade for anything” within two weeks after completing its remaining oil deliveries to China, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said Sunday.
About 15 million barrels remained out for delivery, Bessent estimated.
Pressure on Iranian financial operations extends into Europe. Italy’s central bank told Iran International on Monday that the Rome branch of Iran’s Bank Sepah has remained under special administration since October 2025 following the European Union’s adoption of restrictive measures against Iran.
The weakening rial and growing obstacles to trade are adding to Iran’s economic pressure, while warnings over Hormuz and recent military exchanges keep the risk of renewed conflict hanging over the country and the region.
Vessels at the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from Musandam, Oman, on September 23, 2026.
Oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz have climbed despite the conflict, with Washington pointing to rising exports as Iran warns shipping companies against unauthorized passage and threatens US forces with retaliation if fighting resumes.
US Energy Secretary Chris Wright said on Sunday that oil flows through the strait were averaging nearly 13 million barrels a day, with shipments exceeding pre-conflict levels on at least one day last week.
“There was a day just this last week where over 20 million barrels of oil, more than pre-conflict levels, flowed out of the strait,” Wright told Fox News. The current average was “almost 13 million barrels a day,” he added.
Wright attributed pressure on energy prices more to limited refining capacity than to the volume of oil moving through Hormuz.
Iran warns shipping companies
Iran, meanwhile, portrayed the strait as a closely controlled corridor where vessels must comply with rules set by its authorities.
Iran’s Persian Gulf Strait Authority warned charterers against directing ships through routes it considers unauthorized, saying companies that do so could be placed on a non-compliance list and vessels associated with them could face restrictions.
The authority also published a letter it said came from the owners of an unnamed vessel apologizing for an unauthorized transit. According to the letter, the charterer instructed the ship to proceed without completing required declarations and approvals, putting the master under commercial pressure to comply.
The warnings were accompanied by threats from Iranian military officials. Armed forces spokesman Abolfazl Shekarchi said the United States would be “slapped” if it intervened in Hormuz.
A Revolutionary Guards Navy official challenged US President Donald Trump to send a warship near the strait if Washington believed it controlled the waterway, threatening US warships as far away as the Indian Ocean if fighting resumed.
Iranian army chief Amir Hatami also said the war was not over and that the military must remain prepared for further fighting.
Regional calls for safe passage
The dispute has drawn responses from countries concerned about commercial shipping and energy supplies.
Oman’s Foreign Minister Badr Albusaidi told the UN General Assembly that Muscat would continue working to safeguard navigation through Hormuz, urging restraint, dialogue and political solutions.
US Ambassador to the UN Mike Waltz said 146 countries had condemned Iran over attacks on civilian shipping, describing the Islamic Republic as increasingly isolated.
The rising oil flows point to increased movement through one of the world’s most important energy corridors, but warnings to shipping companies and threats of renewed military action show that control and security in Hormuz remain central to the conflict.
US President Donald Trump speaks to reporters in front of the Marine One
President Donald Trump may be putting off a difficult choice over Iran until after the US midterm elections, a former senior US diplomat told Iran International.
Trump used his address to the United Nations General Assembly this week to call for Iran's “complete economic isolation,” while saying he believed a deal could come after the November midterm elections.
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, meanwhile, said Tehran would not surrender to US pressure but remained open to diplomacy.
The two sides held their first indirect talks in months on the sidelines of the UN gathering but remained far apart on how to end the war, including over Iran’s conditions for reopening the Strait of Hormuz.
Ludovic Hood, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute who spent two decades as a US diplomat and previously served as special adviser for the Middle East to Vice President Mike Pence, told Iran International's Eye for Iran that the approaching elections may help explain the current pause.
“We have elections coming up in America that I think have partly bounded President Trump’s willingness to be more confrontational at this point in time,” Hood said.
He described the conflict as a “standoff” with “more chapters to be written,” saying Trump could face a decision over whether to escalate again after the midterms or as the United States enters the new year.
“He may seek to escalate again militarily,” Hood said.
Potential targets could include commercial and economic assets inside Iran owned by or directly linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, he said, if Trump chooses to intensify the campaign.
Pressure without political change
Iran has suffered major military losses while contending with a US naval blockade and an expanding sanctions campaign. Yet nearly seven months into the war, those pressures have not produced fundamental political change in Tehran.
Hood cautioned against assuming that battlefield losses automatically translate into political change. Instead, he pointed to the cumulative impact of declining revenues, sanctions, domestic discontent and potential strains within the institutions responsible for protecting the state.
He described the Islamic Republic as “about as vulnerable as it’s been in 47 years,” pointing in particular to questions about the government's ability to continue paying salaries, including those of security forces.
“To me, a fifth uprising is a question of when, not if,” he said.
Hood said some people advising Trump have made the case that the collapse of the Islamic Republic is possible, while emphasizing that he was not predicting whether or when that would happen.
Washington has continued tightening economic pressure even as negotiations resumed in New York. New US restrictions on Iran's aviation sector have contributed to the loss of international routes, with additional Iraqi destinations restricting Iranian connections this week.
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are also urging Washington to maintain sanctions and the naval blockade rather than make concessions prematurely, according to a Wall Street Journal report.
Both governments nevertheless oppose further US military escalation, according to the report.
Hood said the significance of Washington's economic campaign lies not simply in announcing additional sanctions, but in enforcing existing measures and steadily reducing the resources available to Tehran.
Despite the resumption of diplomacy in New York, no breakthrough has emerged. A senior Iranian official told Reuters this week that the two sides remained far apart.
That leaves Washington confronting a larger question: whether the pressure already imposed can fundamentally alter Tehran’s behavior, or whether the current pause will ultimately give way to another round of military escalation.
The answer may become clearer after November—when both Washington and Tehran appear to believe the political calculus could change.