Iranian women will lead fight for freedom, human rights activist says
Iranian human rights activist Motahare Goonei said on Wednesday that the Islamic Republic fears women and everything associated with them, adding women who have been wounded but remain defiant will lead the fight for freedom in Iran.
“The Islamic Republic is deeply afraid of women and everything associated with them. This time, the banner of freedom will be raised by the wounded yet battle-hardened women of Iran and planted in the dark heart of the serpent-headed monster,” she posted on X.
A woman with lower-limb disabilities receives support in a rehabilitation centre in Iran.
More than 152,000 people with severe disabilities remain on a waiting list for nursing care payments because of insufficient funding, the rehabilitation deputy of Iran’s State Welfare Organization said on Wednesday.
A shortage of credit is the main reason for the long queue and responsibility for allocating the necessary resources rests with the Plan and Budget Organization, Fatemeh Abbasi told the ISNA news agency.
Payments to those who qualify will begin as soon as possible once the funds are assigned, Abbasi said.
The nursing allowance is available only to those classified as having severe or very severe disabilities under Article 7 of the 2018 Law on the Protection of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.
Government support still falls far short of the real costs faced by people with disabilities, a report published on Tuesday by the newspaper Payam-e Ma said. Treatment, rehabilitation, equipment, transport and ongoing care consume a large share of household income, the paper added.
The actual cost of hiring a carer is several times higher than the state payment and families are forced to cover most of the expense themselves, Behrouz Morovati, director of the Campaign for the Rights of People with Disabilities, told the newspaper.
The organization must operate within the framework of the annual budget approved by the Cabinet, Abbasi said. Payments stop in a limited number of cases when a person’s disability classification is revised from severe or very severe to moderate, she noted.
Delays have also affected livelihood assistance, with payments for many recipients halted since June on the grounds of a lack of funds, the ILNA news agency reported in July.
Of roughly 600,000 people eligible for livelihood assistance, only about 245,000 currently receive it, leaving more than 300,000 still waiting, Morovati told Payam-e Ma.
Some of those who do receive the payment also get a monthly stipend of around 21 million rials ($11).
Combined, the two forms of support amount to roughly 100 million to 110 million rials ($53–$59), a sum that bears little relation to the actual cost of living and the extra needs of people with disabilities, Morovati said.
A young man in a wheelchair is assisted with paperwork in a public building in Iran.
Support levels trail global peers
By comparison, France’s adult disability allowance stands at about €1,042 a month for people with limited other income. Australia’s Disability Support Pension for a single adult reaches roughly A$1,201 per fortnight, or about A$2,600 a month, and can be paired with individualised packages under the National Disability Insurance Scheme that cover personal care.
Germany’s long-term care insurance pays cash benefits ranging from €347 a month at the lower care grade to €990 at the highest, with higher amounts available for formal services.
Nordic systems such as Norway’s typically replace 66 percent of prior earnings, subject to minimums and caps.
Even in those countries extra disability-related expenses frequently exceed benefits, yet the absolute gap between official payments and real care costs remains markedly wider where baseline amounts stay at the levels recorded in Iran and eligibility for nursing support is restricted to the most severe categories.
The distance between available payments and the actual expenses of care continues to leave large numbers of disabled people and their families carrying the main financial burden themselves.
Canada says immigration applications are assessed individually in response to cases of Iranians who completed mandatory military service with the Revolutionary Guards receiving letters warning they could be deemed inadmissible on security grounds.
In a statement to Iran International, Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) said “membership in the IRGC and service in the IRGC are distinct considerations” for assessing inadmissibility.
Individuals who served as a result of compulsory military service are assessed individually, the department said, adding that “conscription alone does not necessarily result in inadmissibility.”
IRCC said final decisions are made by immigration officers after reviewing submitted documents, relevant case law and recommendations from security partners, including the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) and the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS).
Conscripts receive fairness letters
Documents and accounts obtained by Iran International indicate that Iranian applicants whose only declared connection to the IRGC was compulsory military service have received Procedural Fairness Letters (PFLs) raising possible inadmissibility.
The letters notify applicants that their cases are being assessed under paragraph 34(1)(f) of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) over possible membership in an organization believed to engage in terrorism.
A finding of inadmissibility can result in the refusal of an application for permanent residence and can also affect accompanying family members.
Iran International reviewed a PFL issued to an applicant on Aug. 6 that explicitly cited the applicant’s mandatory military service with the IRGC.
“On form IMM 5546, you indicated that you served your mandatory military service with the IRGC,” the letter said, giving the applicant 30 days to submit additional information before a decision is made.
IRGC designation and compulsory service
Canada designated the IRGC a terrorist entity under the Criminal Code in June 2024, after years of debate that included concerns over Iranians who had been conscripted into the force.
A separate measure expanded later that year makes senior Iranian government officials who served at any point since June 23, 2003 inadmissible to Canada.
IRCC said procedural fairness letters give applicants an opportunity to provide additional information before a final decision is made. Community advocates and legal representatives, however, say the recent volume of letters has created widespread uncertainty among Iranians with a history of compulsory IRGC service.
Advocates estimate that thousands of Iranian families in Canada could be affected by security reviews stemming from mandatory conscription.
Several applicants also told Iran International they had participated in anti-government demonstrations and human rights rallies since arriving in Canada and feared possible repercussions if they were eventually returned to Iran.
“We served in the military solely because it is mandatory under Iranian law,” one applicant said on condition of anonymity because of security concerns. “Yet, my spouse is now also facing potential inadmissibility.”
The applicant said they were hesitant to submit evidence detailing their opposition activities in Canada because they feared the information could endanger their family if they were ultimately forced to return to Iran.
IRCC said no final decision is made until information submitted by an applicant during the response period has been evaluated.
Senior Iranian commander Mohammad Reza Naghdi speaks to PBS
A senior adviser to the commander of Iran's Revolutionary Guards said Tehran could deliberately prolong the war until US President Donald Trump leaves office to wear down its adversaries and deter future attacks.
"One way is to prolong this war until we get to the next term of the presidency and cause attrition, so that if anyone else wants to attack Iran, they will know there is a cost," Mohammad Reza Naghdi told PBS NewsHour on Tuesday.
Naghdi made the comment after being asked directly whether Iran's objective was to drag out the war and wait until Trump was out of office.
He said Iran needed to establish enough deterrence to prevent future attacks.
"We have to attain deterrence so that the enemy never dares to attack us, so we can live with security," he said.
Civilian ships in Strait of Hormuz
Naghdi also defended attacks by Iranian forces on non-military vessels attempting to cross the Strait of Hormuz.
Asked why Iran had attacked civilian ships on at least two occasions this week, Naghdi said Tehran needed to control shipping routes during wartime.
"When we are at war, vessels need to pass through a region we can control," he said. "When they leave an area that we control, it could be that they're transporting supplies for the enemy."
Asked whether attacking civilian vessels violated international law, Naghdi said Iran had the right to control routes it viewed as a threat during a war.
"When you're in a state of war, any thoroughfare deemed to be a threat, we can control it," he said.
His comments came as shipping through the Strait of Hormuz has fallen sharply amid the conflict and attacks on commercial vessels.
Khamenei absence due to security, Naghdi says
Naghdi was also asked why Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei had not appeared publicly during the war.
"Naturally, it is due to security," Naghdi said when asked whether his absence was for security reasons. "Certainly, there is no other reason."
Asked whether he had personally seen Khamenei, Naghdi declined to answer.
"Let's leave this matter alone," he said.
PBS said it asked the White House for a response to Naghdi's remarks.
"It would be wise for Iran to agree to a deal," the White House said in a statement cited by PBS, adding: "Otherwise they know what will happen."
The P4 offshore platform at Iran’s Reshadat oil field in the Persian Gulf, completed in June 2026.
OPEC oil production continued its sharp post-war recovery in July, but Iran remained a notable exception, with output still around a quarter below pre-war levels and its oil revenues taking an even steeper hit.
Iran produced 2.478 million barrels per day (bpd) in July, up just 26,000 bpd from June, according to OPEC’s latest monthly report.
By contrast, Saudi Arabia increased output by about 590,000 bpd, Iraq by 665,000 bpd and Kuwait by 393,000 bpd. Combined crude production among OPEC members rose by about 1.66 million bpd in July to 23.63 million bpd.
Iran’s export revenues have recovered even more slowly.
Commodity intelligence firm Kpler told Iran International that daily deliveries of Iranian crude to Chinese refineries fell from more than 1.7 million bpd in March and April to less than 500,000 bpd in July.
Kpler said Iran offered its crude at a discount of more than $5 a barrel in July, while transportation costs exceeded $10 a barrel. Once payments to intermediaries were included, it estimated that at least 25% of the nominal value of Iran’s oil sales was lost before the proceeds reached the country.
At July’s export volumes, Kpler estimated that crude delivered to China had a nominal value of about $1.2 billion. That compares with average monthly oil revenues of about $3.8 billion last year, according to OPEC estimates.
China has long been overwhelmingly the largest destination for Iranian crude, leaving Tehran particularly exposed to changes in purchases by Chinese refineries.
Iran struggles to restore output
Iranian production fell by nearly 1 million bpd between the beginning of the Middle East war and May, according to OPEC figures.
Over the following two months, it recovered by only about 200,000 bpd, reaching 2.478 million bpd in July. The pace of that recovery slowed sharply last month, with the 26,000-bpd increase leaving production roughly a quarter below pre-war levels.
The figures contrast with the much faster restoration of production elsewhere in the Persian Gulf following the severe disruptions caused by the war.
Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Kuwait accounted for much of OPEC’s July increase as producers took advantage of the temporary ceasefire to restore output. Despite the rebound, regional production remains well below levels before the conflict, with large volumes of Persian Gulf supply still offline.
The contrast is even sharper with the United Arab Emirates, which left OPEC in May and has since sharply expanded production. OPEC continues to track UAE output in its monthly report despite its departure from the group.
OPEC estimates that UAE crude production reached around 3.78 million bpd in July, approximately 882,000 bpd above its level in the months preceding the war.
Venezuela also continued its recovery, with production reaching about 1.12 million bpd in July, up from around 940,000 bpd in January.
For Iran, however, the combination of depressed production, sharply lower deliveries to China and the costs associated with selling and transporting its crude means the financial recovery has lagged even further behind the rebound in output.
People drive past an anti-U.S. billboard depicting U.S. President Donald Trump and the Strait of Hormuz, in Tehran, Iran, May 17, 2026.
A US strike on a container ship approaching an Iranian port has complicated Tehran’s narrative of a strategic victory against Washington over the Strait of Hormuz.
A US Navy MH-60 helicopter carried out a strike on the Panama-flagged containership M/V Vela Nova in the Gulf of Oman on Tuesday.
President Donald Trump later said the United States now had “total control” over the Strait of Hormuz and warned that if Iran acted, “they get blown away.”
Iranian officials remained relatively quiet on the incident through Wednesday afternoon. Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei, speaking to Press TV, instead denounced the wider US blockade as “dishonorable and illegal.”
Much of the Iranian media also focused heavily on the new defense agreement between Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey, with several outlets portraying the so-called Mecca Pact as politically inflated and of limited relevance to the regional balance.
Competing narratives over Hormuz
Hardline newspaper Vatan Emrooz sought to turn the location of the US strike into evidence of Iranian deterrence rather than American dominance.
The paper argued that the attack, carried out well outside the Strait of Hormuz, showed that US forces remained reluctant to operate within range of Iran’s coastal defenses.
It portrayed Washington’s decision to strike a merchant vessel farther out at sea as a sign of tactical caution and urged Iran to stand by the demands it has set for any reopening of the strait.
The argument reflects a broader theme in Iranian commentary over the past week.
Several outlets and officials have portrayed the confrontation over Hormuz as evidence that Tehran has succeeded in shifting the center of negotiations away from the nuclear issue and toward control of the waterway.
Some commentary also interpreted a temporary easing in Trump’s rhetoric and talks with Oman over shipping arrangements as signs that Washington was adjusting to new realities in the strait, even as Iranian commanders insisted there could be no simple return to pre-war conditions.
Trump’s latest remarks cut directly against that interpretation. His assertion of “total control” over Hormuz and threat of further military action suggest Washington continues to see coercive pressure, rather than accommodation, as central to its approach.
Economic costs remain
Iranian economic outlets have meanwhile focused on the growing cost of disruption to regional shipping.
Donya-ye Eghtesad noted that rising oil prices and maritime war-risk premiums were feeding through into domestic and regional markets, while air travel across the Persian Gulf continued to face suspensions and rerouting.
Recent attacks near Bab el-Mandeb have added to concerns that maritime disruption is no longer confined to Hormuz, increasing risks for shipping across a wider stretch of regional trade routes.
Those costs complicate triumphalist claims on either side. Washington continues to demonstrate its ability to use military force around Iran’s coast, while Tehran retains the capacity to keep maritime insecurity at the center of regional calculations.
The latest developments therefore leave the contest over Hormuz far from settled.
A recent letter to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei from Iran’s new security chief, Mohsen Rezaei, calling for expanded military capability and activity, suggests Tehran is also preparing for the possibility that the confrontation will continue rather than end through a quick diplomatic settlement.
