War makes Hormuz security unlikely, Larijani says after Macron remarks

The players – Fatemeh Pasandideh, Zahra Ghanbari, Zahra Sarbali, Atefeh Ramezani-Zadeh and Mona Hamoudi –left the team’s hotel in the city of Gold Coast and are currently in a safe location. The development comes after days of tension surrounding the team during a regional tournament in Australia.

Players leave team hotel under tight security

According to observations by Iran International correspondent, stationed at the team’s hotel in Gold Coast, five members of the national squad left the hotel and separated from the team. Shortly after team officials learned of the departure, members of the delegation were seen hurriedly searching for the missing players.

A heavy security atmosphere surrounds the players and team staff, Iran International correspondent said, noting that Australian police were present at the location during the developments.

Anthem protest triggered pressure and threats

The controversy surrounding the team began earlier in the tournament when members of the squad refused to sing the national anthem of the Islamic Republic before their first match against South Korea. Images of the players and coaching staff standing silently during the anthem quickly spread on social media, with many interpreting the gesture as a protest against the government.

In their second match against Australia, however, the players were seen giving a military salute and singing the anthem after what reports described as threats and warnings from security officials accompanying the delegation.

An Iranian state television host later threatened the team on air, saying both the public and officials should treat them as “war-time traitors.”

Bus incident and support from Iranians abroad

Tensions escalated further after the team’s final match, when videos circulated online showing Iranians living in Australia attempting to stop the team bus as it left the stadium.

A witness told the Australian broadcaster SBS that several players had also remained seated on the field after the team’s final match against the Philippines and appeared reluctant to leave, raising concerns they were under pressure and did not want to return to Iran.

SBS earlier reported, citing two sources who visited the team’s hotel, that the players were under “very tight security measures” imposed by Iranian officials. The sources said authorities appeared concerned that some players might attempt to seek asylum.

Appeals for protection and uncertainty over return

The situation prompted appeals from activists and opposition figures who warned the players could face serious consequences if they return to Iran.

Exiled Prince Reza Pahlavi wrote on X that members of Iran’s women’s national football team were under significant pressure and ongoing threats from the Islamic Republic because of their refusal to sing the anthem, urging the Australian government to ensure their safety and provide support.

Journalist and activist Masih Alinejad also called on Australia to protect the players, saying they faced potential danger if returned to Iran.

Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong said the Iranian authorities had a record of harsh repression.

“We know this regime has brutally murdered many of its own people. We know this regime has brutally oppressed many Iranian women, and we stand in solidarity with the men and women of Iran, particularly Iranian women and girls,” she added.

Meanwhile, Iranian football officials say the team’s return has been complicated after flights back to Iran were canceled following recent regional tensions. Farideh Shojaei, head of the women’s team delegation, said officials are exploring alternative routes for the team’s return.

According to Shojaei, Iranian football authorities have been in talks with airlines and other officials to arrange a new travel route. Some federation officials have reportedly traveled to Turkey to coordinate possible transit arrangements, raising the possibility that the team could be flown to Turkey and then transported overland by bus to Iran.

Some Iranians living abroad also gathered outside the team’s accommodation in Gold Coast on Monday to show support for the players and express concerns about their safety if they return to Iran.

Iran’s women’s national football team, which had traveled to Australia to compete in the tournament, was eventually eliminated from the competition. It remains unclear when the remaining members of the team will leave Australia.

US President Donald Trump urged Australia to grant asylum to members of Iran’s national women’s soccer team, saying they would face grave danger if returned to Iran.

“Australia is making a terrible humanitarian mistake by allowing the Iran National Woman’s Soccer team to be forced back to Iran, where they will most likely be killed,” Trump wrote on X. “Don’t do it, Mr. Prime Minister, give ASYLUM. The US will take them if you won’t.”

His remarks came after the office of Prince Reza Pahlavi confirmed five players — Fatemeh Pasandideh, Zahra Ghanbari, Zahra Sarbali, Atefeh Ramazanzadeh and Mona Hamoudi — had left the team’s training camp and sought refuge in Australia. According to the statement, the players said they had joined what was described as Iran’s “Lion and Sun Revolution.”

There has been mounting concern over the team’s safety after several players stood in silence and did not sing Iran’s national anthem before an Asian Cup match in Australia, drawing criticism from Iranian state media.

Global players’ union FIFPRO has said it is “really concerned” about the team’s welfare and has been unable to contact the players. A petition urging Australia to protect the squad has gathered tens of thousands of signatures.

A Greek-operated oil tanker carrying Saudi crude has sailed through the Strait of Hormuz with its destination listed as India, according to ship tracking data from Kpler and Lloyd’s List Intelligence, Reuters reported.

The Shenlong Suezmax tanker, which can carry about 1 million barrels, loaded crude at Saudi Arabia’s Ras Tanura port, MarineTraffic data showed.

The vessel last recorded its position inside the strait on March 8 before updating its destination to Mumbai. The tanker’s Athens-based manager, Dynacom, did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

US Central Command rejected claims by Russian and Iranian state media that a US Patriot missile accidentally struck a neighborhood in Bahrain while attempting to intercept an incoming threat.

“Russian and Iranian media claimed earlier today that a US Patriot missile missed … and inadvertently hit a neighborhood in Bahrain. LIE,” CENTCOM said in a post on X.

It added that “an Iranian drone struck a residential neighborhood, injuring 32 civilians in Bahrain, including children who required medical treatment,” citing the Bahraini government.

What Iranian officials often presented as an emerging geopolitical counterweight to Western power appears, for now, far from a wartime coalition.

Russia and China have condemned the attacks and called for restraint, but neither has shown willingness to intervene militarily on Iran’s behalf.

Reports suggest Moscow may have shared limited intelligence that could assist Iranian targeting of US assets in the region. Even if so, such cooperation remains indirect and far short of what a wartime alliance would entail.

For Moscow, deeper involvement carries obvious risks. Russia remains heavily engaged in Ukraine and under sustained military and economic pressure from the West. Opening another confrontation with the United States in the Middle East would pose significant strategic dangers.

Yet instability in the region could still bring Moscow indirect gains. As a major oil exporter, Russia benefits from higher global energy prices, which help cushion the impact of Western sanctions.

A wider conflict could also divert Western political attention from Ukraine, easing pressure on its primary theater.

China’s calculus points in the same direction: distance. Beijing’s interests in the Middle East are largely economic—stable energy supplies, secure shipping routes and predictable markets. A major regional war threatens all three.

At the same time, a prolonged conflict that absorbs American attention and resources could indirectly ease pressure on China in its broader rivalry with Washington.

North Korea, often cited as part of an emerging anti-Western axis, has remained largely silent. Pyongyang lacks the logistical capacity to project meaningful military power into the Middle East and has little incentive to risk confrontation with the United States in a distant conflict.

For decades, Tehran invested heavily in expanding its regional influence through a network of non-state actors stretching from Lebanon to Yemen. Groups such as Hezbollah, Hamas and the Houthis were meant to provide strategic depth, allowing Iran to pressure adversaries indirectly while avoiding direct confrontation.

That network now faces growing strain.

Hamas has been significantly weakened by prolonged conflict with Israel. Hezbollah remains Iran’s most capable partner, but its structure also reveals a deeper limitation in Tehran’s approach: the system often depends on personal relationships between commanders rather than durable institutional frameworks, making coordination more fragile when individuals are removed.

The Houthis retain the capacity to disrupt shipping routes and launch missile or drone attacks across the region. But their strength lies primarily in asymmetric disruption; in a high-intensity campaign driven by air power and long-range strikes, such actions cannot quickly alter the strategic balance inside Iran itself.

Elsewhere, several militia groups cultivated by Tehran in Iraq appear reluctant to escalate dramatically, underscoring the limits of Iran’s ability to mobilize partners during a major confrontation.

In recent years, Iran has sought to present itself as part of a broader alignment against Israel while simultaneously pursuing pragmatic openings with Arab states. The China-brokered rapprochement with Saudi Arabia in 2023 suggested the possibility of a more stable Gulf balance.

But that détente depends heavily on regional stability. If Iranian actions—or those of allied militias—threaten shipping lanes or energy infrastructure, Arab governments may prove far less inclined to view Tehran as a reliable long-term partner.

If the conflict continues while its partners remain cautious, Iran risks growing isolation. Its ties with Russia and China are shaped primarily by overlapping interests rather than formal alliance commitments.

Strategic priorities diverge, and even governments opposed to Western dominance remain wary of dependence or rivalry.

A deeper alignment might have emerged under different geopolitical conditions, much as sustained confrontation during the Cold War pushed Western states toward institutional alliances such as NATO.

But that moment has not arrived. The war suggests it may not—at least not on terms Iran had imagined.