Iran held large-scale state funerals this week for unidentified soldiers from the 1980s war with Iraq, nearly six months after its 12-day clash with Israel, and amid deepening public distrust fueled by ongoing security, economic, and environmental crises.
For years, ceremonies known as the “burial of anonymous martyrs” have served as a tool for mobilizing Islamic Republic loyalists and projecting an image of grassroots support.
The latest round came on Monday, when Major General Abdolrahim Mousavi, Iran’s armed forces chief of staff, praised what he called the “unparalleled and indescribable presence” of devout citizens at the receptions and funeral processions, framing their attendance as an act of obedience to the Supreme Leader.
In the Islamic Republic’s terminology, an "anonymous martyr” is a body buried without a confirmed identity — often never identified even decades later.
More than 36 years after the Iraq war’s end, the true nature of what lies in many of these coffins remains unclear. Images and past reports suggest some contain only fragments of bone.
Mahmoud Tavallaie, the former head of Iran's Institute for Advanced Biotechnology Research, acknowledged in 2022 that many remains had deteriorated in harsh conditions, making scientific identification impossible in numerous cases.
Psychology of glorifying death
Speaking to Iran International, social psychoanalyst Saba Alaleh said the state has long elevated death into a sacred, heroic ideal in order to maintain psychological control over society.
“Iran’s rulers try to turn death into a total value — one tied to loyalty, sacrifice, and obedience,” she said, noting that this glorification feeds a narrative in which dissent is framed as disrespect for the dead. “Authoritarian systems like the Islamic Republic constantly rely on such displays of blood-earned legitimacy.”
Alaleh argued the Islamic Republic seeks to instill a persistent sense of indebtedness and guilt, reinforcing the message that “people died for this system, so you must follow their path and have no right to oppose it.”
Symbolism and political agenda
Asked what the state aims to achieve through these ceremonies, Alaleh said their primary purpose is to stage symbolic power.
“These funerals help the Islamic Republic reassert the revolutionary moral codes of 1979,” she said. Anyone objecting to them is quickly portrayed as insulting the sacrifices of others, creating social pressure against dissent.
Official data from the war years show 116 unidentified soldiers were buried during the conflict itself, though authorities now say there were roughly 50,000 unidentified dead in total, with over 30,000 later identified and returned to their families.
Citing updated figures, Iranian officials say more than 13,000 bodies have been interred across roughly 1,300 memorial sites and 3,000 locations nationwide — from city squares and universities to mosques, seminaries, and military zones. Tehran’s Behesht-e Zahra cemetery alone houses over 4,000 such graves.
Why public spaces?
The Islamic Republic says burials in public or academic spaces reflect local demand, but critics argue the practice serves to symbolically “occupy” civic environments.
Student activists in the 2000s repeatedly protested the installation of tombs on campuses, viewing them as a pretext for increased presence of security forces.
Clashes erupted at several universities — including Shahid Rajaee, Iran University of Science and Technology, Sharif University, and Amirkabir — as students demanded referendums on the burials. Despite opposition, the burials proceeded, often backed by the municipality, the Revolutionary Guards, and hardline political bodies.
Institutional machinery
Until 2018, the armed forces’ Missing in Action Search Committee oversaw excavation, transfer, and burial operations. A multi-agency structure now coordinates locations, logistics, and ceremonies, with representatives from the Cultural Heritage Organization, the Martyrs Foundation, the Interior Ministry, and the armed forces.
These funerals are typically held during major religious periods such as Fatimiyya — the days when Shiites mourn the death anniversary of Prophet Muhammad's daughter Fatima — though the coffins also appear during other state and religious commemorations, maintaining a continuous symbolic presence in public life.
Meteorologists say heavy smog will linger over the capital through Tuesday, with fine particulate pollution increasing sharply as calm weather prevents the dispersal of exhaust fumes and industrial emissions.
Officials have urged people to avoid unnecessary travel and limit time outdoors, especially at night and in the early morning when pollution peaks.
The city’s weather bureau warned that without stricter limits on factories and traffic, “air quality could reach very unhealthy levels” and health services should remain ready to respond.
The alert on Friday comes as air quality worsens across several major cities, including Isfahan, Tabriz, Karaj, Ahvaz, and Mashhad.
Recent readings in Tehran placed fine particulate concentrations well above safe limits, posing risks for children, the elderly, and those with respiratory or heart conditions.
Officials say calm winds have turned Tehran into a pollution trap. The Health Ministry estimates nearly 59,000 Iranians die every year from illnesses linked to poor air quality, with economic losses exceeding $17 billion — more than the country’s entire health budget.
Reliance on dirty fuels deepens the crisis
The worsening air coincides with a renewed use of mazut, a heavy, high-sulfur fuel oil, at power plants struggling with gas shortages.
Energy Minister Abbas Aliabadi acknowledged the problem, saying the move was a last resort to keep power stations running during peak demand.
Environmental groups warn that relying on mazut — together with aging cars and weak emissions controls — keeps Iran’s major cities locked in a cycle of toxic air and public health damage.
Authorities have advised residents to wear masks, avoid strenuous outdoor activity, and limit vehicle use.
Experts say the combination of outdated fuel systems, traffic congestion, and winter weather patterns means Tehran is likely to face repeated air-quality emergencies unless major reforms — such as investment in cleaner energy and transport — are implemented soon.
According to the Hengaw Human Rights Organization, several reporters and local media managers were summoned or threatened by security agents after publishing reports on the water crisis, which has left some neighborhoods without running water for more than 72 hours.
Security officials allegedly warned journalists against “spreading public anxiety” and forced some to sign written pledges not to cover the issue.
The pressure campaign comes as Iran faces one of its worst droughts in decades, with reservoirs across the country running dangerously low.
Iran’s worsening drought has pushed water reserves in several provinces — including Tehran, Mashhad, Kerman, and Yazd — to the brink of collapse, according to officials cited by domestic media.
Tehran’s Latian and Karaj dams have fallen to historic lows, with the latter holding less than 10 percent of its capacity. The capital now depends heavily on underground aquifers already under strain and at risk of subsidence.
The religious city of Mashhad has entered full rationing, while officials in Kerman describe collapsing aquifers and abandoned farmland.
Nationwide, rainfall has dropped to 18 percent of normal levels, leaving 20 provinces without measurable precipitation over the past two months.
Water specialists warn that if the trend continues, up to half of Tehran’s population could face severe supply disruptions within five to ten years.
Mohsen Biglari, secretary of parliament’s Budget and Planning Committee, said lawmakers had not been informed in advance of the government’s plan to add a new 5,000-toman (4.4 cents per the free market rate) fuel tier for drivers refueling beyond their monthly quotas or without personal fuel cards.
“If people have to buy 5,000-toman gasoline after using their quota, this increase will definitely affect the prices of other goods and services,” Biglari told Rouydad24. “We’ve seen how such policies ripple through the economy before.”
Biglari said even members of parliament learned of the change from the media, despite President Masoud Pezeshkian’s earlier campaign pledge that no fuel price hike would occur “without coordination with the people.”
“Such a major decision should have been discussed with us as representatives of the people,” Biglari said. “While the move may not be illegal, it contradicts the president’s promise of transparency.”
Economic and political backdrop
The government’s new fuel pricing system, announced last week, introduces a third rate at 5,000 tomans per liter for drivers refueling without personal cards or beyond their quota, while keeping existing 1,500- and 3,000-toman rates. Officials say the plan aims to reduce subsidies and curb rising consumption.
The Pezeshkian administration faces mounting fiscal pressure as fuel demand exceeds domestic production, forcing costly imports. The government says the reform will encourage efficient use and deter smuggling.
Biglari cautioned that even limited fuel price hikes could heighten public frustration if introduced without transparency. The warning comes amid memories of the 2019 fuel price protests, which erupted after an overnight price increase.
“Decisions like this, if made without public dialogue or proper study, can lead to social discontent,” he said, urging the government to act “with coordination and careful review to avoid potential risks.”
Mehdi Rasouli, a well-known maddah or religious eulogist and chant leader, performed at the Imam Khomeini Hussainiyah in Tehran. It is the main auditorium within Khamenei's office complex known as Beyt-e Rahbari or the Leader's house.
“From now on, we have one goal — and that is the heart of Tel Aviv,” he said. "Your accursed name will no longer remain in this world. Tell that yellow-haired murderer he will be no more," he said in reference to Donald Trump to loud assent from attendees.
The event held earlier this week formed part of ceremonies marking Basij Day, when Iran’s volunteer paramilitary force is feted.
Eulogists in Iran's Shi'ite Muslim tradition deploy chants and poetry to encourage enthusiasm in religious gatherings. Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution which ushered in a theocracy, the content of their presentations reflect state political ideology.
"Bullies stronger than you lie buried under piles of earth," Rasouli continued. "You will not see Iran’s surrender even in your dreams ... Are you too, like Pharaoh, thinking you will not die?"
"Death does not hesitate even a moment to take your soul. It wouldn’t hurt to visit the graves of Carter and Reagan once in a while," he said.
Crowd reactions followed the familiar arc of such performances – chants at crescendos, brief laughter at lines like “If you mention the name of Iran, be polite,” and tears as Rasouli invoked recent war dead, including Revolutionary Guard commanders killed in clashes with Israel.
He delivered the poem in epic, martial cadences, and the audience periodically answered with slogans.
The recital ended with pledges of allegiance to the Supreme Leader, prompting the hall to respond “Labbayk, labbayk” – an Arabic formula of assent meaning “at your service” in a show of allegiance to Khamenei.
A poem of menace and myth
A maddah is a lay performer, not a cleric. Over three decades, their role has expanded from mourning rites to emotionally charged performances that can carry political overtones.
Their verses, set to strong rhythms, aim to stir grief for the martyrs of Karbala, devotion to the Prophet’s family, and, increasingly, political zeal.
When delivered at the leader’s own venue, the rhetoric carries extra weight for loyalists – even as officials can argue that maddahs speak for themselves, not for the state.
Rasouli’s text stitched together recurring motifs. He opened by hailing Iranian resilience and vowing ultimate triumph – “In the end, Iran will be the victor of the battle” – before pivoting to taunts of US and Israeli leaders.
At another point he warned: “Ajal does not delay in taking your soul,” using the Persian term ajal – the appointed time of death – to suggest that fate, or the Angel of Death, does not pause, a standard rhetorical device in Persian oratory.
The poem drew on classical Persian epic and Shi'ite sacred history.
Rasouli invoked Rostam, the pre-Islamic epic hero of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, likening Israel to a div (demon) and rhyming “div” with “Aviv” to fix the poem’s “final aim on the heart of Tel Aviv.”
He also reached for Shi'ite iconography, saying Ali, the first Shi'ite Imam, would come for Israel with his bifurcated sword Zolfaghar, a symbol widely recognized in Iran.
The barbs sat alongside appeals to faith and fidelity: victory, he said, hinges on obedience to the Supreme Leader – a cue for synchronized chants of “Labayk.”
Modern military references appeared in the poem too. In a couplet that played on rhyme and Iranian missiles, Rasouli said: “If you have bunker-busters, we have Kheibar-Shekan,” pairing the Persian for “bunker-breaker” (sangar-shekan) with Kheibar-Shekan (Khaybar-Breaker), the name of an Iranian solid-fuel medium-range ballistic missile unveiled in 2022.
Khaybar also refers to a 7th-century Jewish oasis near Medina and, in Shi'ite lore, to Imam Ali’s breaching of its fort – a religious touchstone repurposed in modern rhetoric.
Why eulogists matter
Under Ali Khamenei, maddahs regularly perform at his residence on major religious occasions and enjoy networks of patronage that can extend through state and quasi-state institutions.
Analysts say eulogists act as emotional amplifiers: knitting mourning, nationalism and loyalty into a single ritual package.
Within pro-government circles, however, the venue and proximity to power matter; when a poem is staged at the leader’s inner sanctum, supporters treat it as consonant with the leadership’s mood, if not a formal policy.
The eulogist scene is diverse, spanning apolitical performers, staunch loyalists to the leadership, and figures tied to rival conservative factions.
Celebrity maddahs have campaigned for candidates, criticized senior officials, and at times helped mobilize crowds.
Their hey’ats (religious associations) fund and stage mass ceremonies during Muharram and Arbaeen, and some maintain close ties with the Revolutionary Guards’ Basij militia.
There are at least 150,000 maddahs in Iran now some of whom receive “astronomical” sums as “gifts” for their much-advertised performances.
In a genre long fused with piety and politics, Rasouli leaned into a newer twist: Persian epic motifs spliced onto Shi'ite heroism – a form once anchored almost entirely in Shi'ite themes.
Shahnameh references now sit alongside invocations of Ali and the “martyrs,” recasting loss and defiance in a national-myth frame.
Inside the hall, the result is part sermon, part rally, part catharsis.
Established in 1979 under IRGC command as a mass mobilization force, the Basij has long been embedded in Iran’s internal security apparatus.
“Basij volunteers were active in the fields of security and public support from the first day of the escalation,” the Revolutionary Guards Commander-in-Chief Mohammad Pakpour said on Thursday.
Addressing a nationwide Basij drill, he said public expectations of the Guards and its volunteer network have increased and that both institutions must intensify their efforts.
Rights groups have long documented the Basij’s role in crushing major waves of unrest.
They cite the 2009 post-election protests, the November 2019 crackdown that killed hundreds, and the 2022–23 uprising after Mahsa Amini’s death. Reports describe beatings, arbitrary detentions, and the use of live ammunition. Iranian authorities deny any systematic abuse.
In Zahedan, deputy IRGC commander Ali Fadavi told a Basij rally on Wednesday that June’s clashes signaled “the defeat of the arrogance front,” in reference to the United States and Israel.
He argued the episode marked “the start of a new path” and said Washington sought to halt the fighting after Iran launched missiles at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar.
Washington earlier engaged Tehran over its nuclear program with a 60-day deadline. On June 13, a day after the ultimatum expired, Israel launched a surprise campaign that ended with US strikes on June 22.
Hardline calls for any future confrontation
Basij members oppose ending a future conflict without the complete destruction of Israel, Senior IRGC adviser Mohammadreza Naghdi also said Thursday in Mashhad.
“If another battlefield opens, the Basij’s demand is that we should not stop this war without the complete destruction and elimination of the Zionist regime.”
He described Iran’s adversaries as “in their weakest state” and said the Basij is prepared “to endure any hardship” in a wider war.
“Soon you will be reduced to misery by these Basijis,” said Naghdi.
Earlier in the week, IRGC spokesperson Ali-Mohammad Naeini told a Basij conference that Iran had faced “all of CENTCOM and NATO on its own without seeking assistance from any country.”
Iran’s command structure, he said, was restored quickly after initial strikes and credited coordinated mobilization for sustaining what he called political and economic stability.
