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‘This is the cost you must pay’: Iran accused of denying food to death-row twin

Negar Mojtahedi
Negar Mojtahedi

Iran International

Sep 15, 2026, 23:25 GMT+1
Iranian twins Taraneh and Romina Rahimi were arrested after joining anti-regime protests in Isfahan, Iran. Taraneh has been sentenced to death, while Romina faces decades in prison. (HANA)
Iranian twins Taraneh and Romina Rahimi were arrested after joining anti-regime protests in Isfahan, Iran. Taraneh has been sentenced to death, while Romina faces decades in prison. (HANA)

Twin sisters Taraneh and Romina Rahimi have been tortured in detention and threatened with sexual violence, while death-row Taraneh is now being denied food in retaliation for family advocacy, their cousin told Iran International.

The sisters were 19 when they were arrested after joining January’s nationwide uprising in Isfahan. They turned 20 behind bars and remain imprisoned in Isfahan’s Dowlatabad Prison.

Taraneh has been sentenced to death, while Romina received prison sentences totaling 36 years. They were among 16 defendants tried by Branch 1 of the Isfahan Revolutionary Court in the Shohada Square case, 10 of whom received death sentences.

Masoud Nourmohammadi, the twins’ cousin who lives in the United States, told Iran International that prison authorities have recently begun denying Taraneh food, forcing her to rely on leftovers shared by other prisoners.

He said Taraneh was told the treatment was connected to his efforts to raise awareness about the sisters’ case outside Iran.

“They said your cousin has been talking outside of Iran,” Nourmohammadi said, recounting what Taraneh was told.

“This is the cost you have to pay.”

Nourmohammadi said he has also received daily death threats since speaking publicly about his cousins.

He said messages sent to him include his address and information about his family and warn him to remain silent.

“This is your address. This is your house. This is information about your family. We know where you live,” he said, recounting the threats. “Stop talking or something’s going to happen to your kids.”

Four months without knowing where they were

The sisters’ ordeal began after they joined protests around Isfahan’s Shohada Square during the nationwide uprising in January.

Taraneh and Romina were working at a shoe shop in the area when they closed the store and joined protesters outside, according to Nourmohammadi.

“They came out. They chanted,” he said. “The bravest Iranian people came out that night.”

About a week later, masked security forces broke into the home of a friend where Taraneh was staying, according to the family.

“They broke down the doors,” Nourmohammadi said. “They had masks on. They did not show any warrants.”

He said security forces bound Taraneh’s hands and feet, placed a bag over her head and took her away.

Romina was arrested separately at the family home. Nourmohammadi said security forces raided the house in the middle of the night and took her away in similar circumstances.

For roughly four months, their family did not know where either sister was being held.

Their mother, who raised Taraneh and Romina on her own, searched hospitals, courts and prisons for her only children.

“They were searching all of the hospitals, the courts, the prisons,” Nourmohammadi said.

Family members spent hours outside prisons demanding information, he said.

“No one answered them.”

For Nourmohammadi, thousands of miles away in the United States, the uncertainty was compounded by Iran’s internet blackout, which made communicating with relatives inside the country extremely difficult.

Eventually, his aunt received a phone call telling her the twins were being held at Dowlatabad Prison and that she could visit them.

She was given an appointment roughly two weeks later.

When she finally saw her daughters after months of not knowing where they were, Nourmohammadi said she could barely recognize them.

“Their faces were swollen, bruises all over their faces, their body was malnourished, they were limping,” he said.

“They had basically no hair on their head.”

It was only when the sisters began speaking that their mother realized the young women in front of her were her daughters.

“God, it was hard,” he said. “She only could recognize them when they started speaking ... she recognized them through their voices.”

Nourmohammadi said the sisters spent their first four months in solitary confinement.

‘The only evidence is the confession’

The family says both sisters were subjected to severe physical and psychological abuse during interrogation and coerced into confessing.

Before her arrest, Taraneh worked as an equestrian trainer and dreamed of opening her own riding academy.

Years earlier, she had suffered a serious horseback-riding injury that required orthopedic plates and screws in her leg. Her family alleges interrogators deliberately targeted the existing injury and repeatedly struck her damaged leg.

Romina had undergone stomach surgery before her arrest and was experiencing stomach problems around the time of the protests, according to Nourmohammadi.

The family also alleges that interrogators exploited the twins’ close relationship to pressure Taraneh into confessing.

The sisters had rarely been apart. During detention, relatives say, Taraneh could hear Romina screaming.

Interrogators then threatened to rape Romina unless Taraneh signed a confession, according to the family.

Taraneh later told the court that her confession had been extracted under torture, according to reports on the case.

Human Rights Watch and the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center for Human Rights in Iran have documented allegations that defendants in the Shohada Square case were tortured and coerced into confessing, as well as serious violations of their due-process rights.

Nourmohammadi said there was no substantive evidence against his cousins beyond confessions he says were obtained through torture.

“There is basically zero evidence on the case,” he said. “The only evidence that they have is the confession.”

The Shohada Square case

Taraneh and Romina were prosecuted alongside 14 other defendants over events surrounding the January protests in Isfahan.

Ten of the 16 defendants, including Taraneh, received death sentences.

The defendants faced charges including moharebeh, or “waging war against God,” destruction of public property, assembly and collusion against national security and propaganda against the state.

Human Rights Watch and the Boroumand Center said the prosecution relied heavily on confessions that defendants said were obtained under torture. They also documented restrictions on access to lawyers and other due-process violations.

The rights groups said defendants were accused of involvement in incidents in which two people died, but none of the 16 was charged with murder.

They also reported that defense lawyers sought to introduce mobile-phone videos they said could exonerate defendants, but the material was not admitted as evidence.

Crackdown continues beyond the streets

The mass demonstrations that swept Iran in January are no longer visible on the same scale, but the crackdown that followed has continued in prisons and courtrooms.

Protesters arrested during the uprising continue to face lengthy prison terms, death sentences and execution.

At least 29 people arrested in connection with the January protests had been executed by the end of August, according to Human Rights Watch and the Boroumand Center.

Amnesty International said in July that it had identified 60 people, including three children, at risk of execution in connection with the protests. Iran Human Rights has reported that more than 70 protesters were at risk of execution in Isfahan Prison alone.

The actual number could be substantially higher.

The crackdown has also extended to lawyers representing protesters. The Boroumand Center documented the arrests of at least 19 lawyers in the month following the January crackdown, while other lawyers taking protest-related cases have faced threats of arrest, renewed prosecution or disbarment.

For Nourmohammadi, what is happening to his cousins shows that the crackdown did not end when large protests disappeared from Iran’s streets.

“The crisis didn’t stop at January 8th and 9th,” he said. “The massacre didn’t stop there. It is still continuing and it’s happening right now in the prisons.”

“These kids are the best versions of Iranians,” he added. “They’re the bravest, brightest ... Iranian kids, and they don’t deserve that.”

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January's unfinished love stories: Lives severed by Iran protest killings

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Shahrouz Mehrabi, a 36-year-old electrical engineer from Borujerd, was shot dead in Saveh on January 8, his wife Parvaneh's birthday.

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‘I wish I had held you longer’

Matin Ghorbani, a 23-year-old barista, was shot dead during protests in Karaj on January 9.

His wife, Mahsa Khanjani, later published a photograph of herself embracing Matin's body.

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“I wish I had known it was the last time,” she said. “I wish I had held you longer, looked at you longer. I wish I had recorded your voice more deeply in my mind.”

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Seven days of marriage

Meysam Ghaderi, 32, and his partner had been together for 11 years before finally marrying.

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For Elham Sadeghi, another anniversary arrived this month without her husband, Mohsen Jabbarzadeh.

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“In some cases, prisoners have been forced to lift their shirts and the guards have also touched their breasts,” one source said.

Body searches have become routine in Evin's women's ward in recent months. Female guards search political prisoners before they leave for family visits, medical treatment or court appearances.

The searches take place in a cubicle recently designated for the purpose. Guards touch different parts of prisoners' bodies and sometimes order them to move or remove clothing, according to the account.

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The visitation area of the women’s ward at Evin Prison in Tehran - Photo by Maggie Parvaneh

Families and children searched

Relatives visiting prisoners are also facing more intrusive searches under tighter security measures that differ from previous procedures, another source told Iran International.

Guards force relatives to remove their shoes, inspect the inside of their mouths and touch different parts of their bodies. Children and teenagers visiting imprisoned family members are not exempt and are also touched during searches.

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Twenty-two female political and ideological prisoners at Evin demanded an investigation into what they called “sexual harassment” during body searches in a letter in October 2024.

Transgender prisoner Ghazal Marzban also wrote from Evin on August 21 that she was raped following her arrest in May 2023 at an Intelligence Ministry detention facility and threatened into silence.

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Sexual violence against detainees has been documented in Iranian prisons since the aftermath of the 1979 revolution, with former prisoners and rights groups describing its use as a means of torture and humiliation.

Searches deter treatment and visits

The increasingly invasive searches have led many women to forgo medical transfers or meetings with relatives and lawyers rather than undergo the procedures, the sources said.

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A women’s ward at Qarchak Prison in Iran.

Pressure over prisoners' clothing when leaving the ward has also increased. Women have in some cases been forced to wear slippers and handcuffs.

Iran's Prisons Organization regulations permit searches without clothing only when necessary and under specified conditions. They also require body searches to be conducted with electronic equipment wherever possible.

The sources questioned why scanning equipment was not being used, describing the current procedures as a means of harassment rather than necessary security measures.

More than 40 women imprisoned for financial offenses were recently transferred to Evin's women's ward, and restrictions increased following their arrival, another source told Iran International.

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Iran International reported on July 12 that women protested the transfer over overcrowding and the failure to separate prisoners according to offense. Special prison guards entered the ward and beat several protesters with batons.

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A file photo of a women's prison in Iran.

Some political prisoners view the mixing of political and financial prisoners as a deliberate policy intended to weaken collective resistance to restrictions.

Evin's women's ward has become a center of political prisoner activism in recent years, with women staging protests and hunger strikes over executions and other political and social issues.

Islamic Republic asks public to identify opponents abroad

Sep 15, 2026, 10:34 GMT+1
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Hooman Abedi
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Photos published by Iran’s Alaj platform show Iranians abroad targeted by the project, which asks members of the public to help identify and report overseas opponents of the Islamic Republic.

The Islamic Republic has launched a platform asking citizens to identify and report opponents living abroad. Iranians met it with ridicule, pointing to how deeply the state's own security apparatus has been infiltrated.

The Alaj platform – whose name means “remedy” or “cure” in Persian – accepts information through its website, a Telegram bot and Iran's Bale messaging service.

“Alaj operates with the aim of safeguarding national security against anti-Iranian currents,” the Guards-affiliated Fars News Agency said in announcing the project on Monday.

State television also promoted Alaj, giving wider exposure to a system Iranian media had previously discussed but not promoted on the same scale.

Alaj says it has identified and monitored 1,600 people, including 600 identified through reports from members of the public, according to Iranian state media.

Its website publishes information about Iranians abroad, including names and photographs and, in some cases, national identification numbers, dates of birth and fathers' names.

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The platform says it targets people outside Iran who act “against the country's interests and security,” including those advocating sanctions or military action and members of separatist groups.

Alaj also lists potential measures against people it identifies, including freezing assets and withdrawing access to consular and citizenship services.

The project's name carries a pointed connotation. Alaj translates as “remedy” or “cure,” framing the people targeted by the platform as a problem to be treated.

People ridicule campaign

Responses to the post promoting Alaj ranged from mockery of Iran's security establishment to explicit warnings that people who inform on opponents could themselves be identified and punished in the future.

One commenter predicted the platform would be hacked and the identities of those submitting reports made public, arguing that previous breaches of major Iranian institutions gave little reason to trust Alaj with sensitive information.

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Another suggested the government's turn could eventually come, writing that authorities appeared to have little hope left even of securing future amnesty.

Others portrayed the campaign as a tactic opponents of the Islamic Republic could use themselves. One user said supporters of the Revolutionary Guards and Hamas abroad had already been publicly identified by opponents and several had lost their jobs as a result.

Several responses contrasted the effort to identify ordinary Iranians overseas with Israel's apparent intelligence penetration inside Iran.

“Start with the infiltrators inside your own ranks,” one person wrote, arguing that Israeli intelligence appeared to have extensive knowledge of Iranian officials.

Another mocked the limits of Iran's controls over information, asking whether authorities intended to “nationalize the internet outside the country” to prevent overseas opposition activity.

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Other comments were considerably more explicit, threatening revenge against people who cooperate with Alaj after any future change of government.

Pezeshkian targets Iranians abroad

The campaign coincides with sharper official rhetoric toward politically active Iranians overseas.

“Some Iranians abroad, aligning themselves with the enemy, seek to incite the public within the country,” President Masoud Pezeshkian said during a social event on Monday, according to state media.

Pezeshkian accused Washington of seeking “to cause social collapse through the problems and restrictions they have imposed,” and said preserving domestic unity would prevent Iran from yielding to US pressure.

Guards used similar model at home

Alaj follows a similar crowdsourcing project launched by the Revolutionary Guards Intelligence Organization in June to identify citizen journalists and social-media users inside Iran.

Known as Jasous-Yab, or “Spy Finder,” the project used channels on the Iranian Eitaa and Bale messaging platforms to ask members of the public to identify people photographing or filming missile strikes and other sensitive locations.

“This time, you identify the spies,” the campaign told users.

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A large gathering of Iranians in Munich, Germany, in February 2026, with participants waving Lion and Sun flags.

People were instructed to scrutinize buildings, roads, sounds, distances and other details visible in photographs and videos to determine where material had been recorded and submit information to Revolutionary Guards intelligence.

The project also sought to identify social-media users opposing the Islamic Republic, extending its scope beyond people recording events on the ground.

Alaj takes that crowdsourcing model beyond Iran's borders, asking citizens to help identify overseas opponents and feeding the resulting information into a system that advertises consequences for those it identifies.

Overseas operations

Iranian intelligence activity targeting dissidents and journalists overseas has previously prompted criminal investigations, sanctions and warnings from Western governments.

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Authorities in the United States and Europe have accused Iranian security bodies and people working on their behalf of conducting surveillance and plotting abductions or killings of opponents abroad.

Activities linked to Alaj could therefore face scrutiny under espionage, foreign-interference or transnational-repression laws in countries where targets live, depending on how information is gathered and subsequently used.

Iran's Saudi leverage could become its liability

Sep 15, 2026, 03:28 GMT+1
•
Negar Mojtahedi
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People hold a banner with images of the Emirati President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman during a rally organised by Yemen’s Southern Transitional Council in Aden, December 21, 2025.

Iran has gained leverage over Saudi Arabia as Houthi advances and attacks put pressure on the kingdom’s territory and oil routes. But Riyadh is responding more forcefully, raising the risk that Tehran’s advantage could provoke a military backlash that ultimately weakens it.

Saudi Arabia is taking a harder military posture after efforts to defuse tensions with Tehran stalled. Riyadh had sought de-escalation, wary that a wider conflict could threaten the regional stability on which its economic ambitions depend.

A meeting planned for Monday between Iran and several Persian Gulf states over arrangements for the Strait of Hormuz was postponed after Saudi Arabia requested a delay, amid Riyadh’s growing frustration over attacks by Iran-aligned groups.

That leaves Riyadh with options, none of them ideal.

Saudi Arabia does not want an all-out war. But the Houthis may be testing how long the kingdom can afford to avoid one.

Saad bin Tefla Al Ajmi, Kuwait's former information minister, said Saudi Arabia has so far exercised patience but its military options remain open.

That restraint reflects what the kingdom has at stake. Saudi Arabia has spent years trying to avoid being dragged back into direct conflict with the Houthis, while its economic transformation depends heavily on regional stability.

"There is no stability, there is no development. There is no stability, there is no prosperity," Al Ajmi told Iran International.

But Houthi attacks on Saudi territory and advances along Yemen’s Red Sea coast are making that restraint increasingly difficult to maintain. The Saudi-led coalition said Houthi missile and drone attacks on Khamis Mushait, Abha and Taif on Monday injured 13 civilians.

Al Ajmi believes some of the Houthis' recent territorial gains could be reversed, particularly if Saudi Arabia decides to deploy its overwhelming advantage in air power. He described Houthi forces operating along the flat Tihamah coastal plain as "sitting ducks."

Saudi Arabia led a military intervention against the Houthis beginning in 2015, with direct hostilities largely subsiding after a UN-brokered truce began in 2022. Years of bombardment failed to eliminate the movement, and Riyadh subsequently spent years trying to avoid being pulled back into a full-scale Yemen war.

The question now is whether the Houthis are pushing that restraint too far.

Houthis risk overplaying their hand

The battlefield in Yemen remains fluid. The Houthis have seized Mokha, Dhubab and Perim Island and expanded their control along Yemen’s Red Sea coast, while Saudi-backed government forces have regrouped and vowed to retake lost territory. That leaves open the question of how durable the Houthis’ gains will prove.

"The Houthis fought the Saudis and the Saudi militias for years. They also have a history of being overextended," Alberto Fernandez, a former senior US diplomat, told Iran International.

Fernandez said the Houthis may have pushed too far.

"I think we could see them lose some of the territory that they've gained," he said.

"They're arrogant. Yes, they're motivated by ideology. And when you're motivated by ideology and you're arrogant, you tend to sometimes overextend," Fernandez said.

But the Houthis are also betting on reluctance from both Saudi Arabia and the United States to become drawn more deeply into the conflict.

Saudi Arabia's attempt to remain outside the wider Iran war has already "certainly backfired on them," Fernandez said.

The uncertainty over how much the kingdom can rely on its allies only complicates its options.

Fernandez described the relationship between Washington and Riyadh as increasingly complicated. The Saudis, he said, felt blindsided by the United States launching the Iran war, while Washington in turn felt unsupported by Riyadh.

That strain has become more visible as Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman sought direct US military action against the Houthis, while Trump declined requests for US strikes and Washington limited its support to intelligence and targeting assistance.

That uncertainty also extends to the Makkah Joint Defense Agreement, signed by Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan on August 7. The pact says an armed attack against any one of the three countries will be regarded as an attack against all.

"So far [it] has turned out to be a paper tiger," Fernandez said, joking that the arrangement appeared to have the equivalent of a health insurance "pre-existing condition clause."

Saudi Arabia looks elsewhere for help

As Washington hesitates, Saudi Arabia is looking elsewhere.

British Prime Minister Andy Burnham is considering Saudi requests for diplomatic and military support to counter the Houthis, Bloomberg reported Monday, as London grows increasingly concerned about the economic consequences of another expanding front in the Iran war.

The requests come as Britain has backed Saudi Arabia’s right to defend itself against Houthi attacks and stressed the importance of protecting freedom of navigation and global trade through the Red Sea.

The widening conflict has raised the stakes beyond Yemen. Houthi gains along the Red Sea coast and around Bab el-Mandeb, combined with attacks on Saudi energy infrastructure, are putting pressure on westward export routes that have become more important while shipping through the Strait of Hormuz remains constrained.

The Houthi offensive and attacks on Saudi energy infrastructure have added further pressure to oil markets already strained by the Iran war. Brent crude climbed above $108 a barrel Monday after attacks shut down Saudi Arabia’s East-West pipeline, a crucial alternative export route while shipping through the Strait of Hormuz remains constrained.

"It gets to push up oil prices a little more," Fernandez said.

"For them, every dollar that prices go up, for them they see that as a plus for the regime, putting a little more pressure on the Americans and the Europeans."

The paradox for Tehran is that the greater the disruption caused by the widening conflict, the stronger the incentive may become for governments outside the region to help Saudi Arabia contain the threat.

Iran does not need to control the Houthis

"The broader strategic danger is that Iran does not need to control the Houthis completely to benefit from their actions," Mohamed Fahmy, a journalist and Middle East political analyst, told Iran International.

"It only needs the movement to retain sufficient military capability, autonomy and motivation to pressure critical maritime routes while Tehran maintains distance from the confrontation."

Fahmy cautioned against reducing the Houthis to an Iranian proxy.

They are "an intensely nationalist movement with their own domestic agenda and deeply rooted local interests," he said.

Their relationship with Tehran is nevertheless exceptionally close. Iran has provided weapons, military technology, intelligence and other support, Fahmy said, while the strategic interests of the two sides increasingly converge.

That convergence has become particularly consequential around the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb.

"One of the Houthis' strategic objectives is to exert control over Yemen's Red Sea coast and the northern Red Sea, where they can increasingly influence who is permitted to transit and who is not," Fahmy said.

For Tehran, the Houthis therefore provide an additional source of pressure on its adversaries without requiring direct Iranian military involvement.

But Saudi Arabia's military answer is not straightforward.

Fahmy pointed to Saada, the Houthis' traditional stronghold and geographical heart of their power, which has been repeatedly targeted by Saudi forces since the intervention began in 2015. Despite years of Saudi-led bombardment and military pressure, the Houthis survived and retained significant military capabilities.

"A limited campaign of additional strikes is therefore unlikely to fundamentally diminish their ability to threaten shipping or project power across the Red Sea," Fahmy said.

That leaves Saudi Arabia confronting a difficult choice.

Continued restraint risks allowing the Houthis to impose greater costs on the kingdom and giving Tehran additional leverage. But a renewed military campaign carries risks Riyadh knows well after years of fighting failed to eliminate the movement.

Iran has gained leverage as the war reaches Saudi Arabia. But the more Houthi attacks raise the costs for Riyadh, the greater the risk that Tehran’s leverage provokes the response that ultimately erodes it.