Emory University has dismissed Fatemeh Ardeshir Larijani, the daughter of the US-sanctioned security chief of the Islamic Republic, the university confirmed to Iran International on Saturday, following growing calls for her removal.
"A physician who is the daughter of a senior Iranian government official is no longer an employee of Emory," the university’s Winship Cancer Institute, where Larijani worked, said in response to Iran International’s inquiry.
"Because this is a personnel matter, we are unable to provide additional information," the university said.


Emory University has dismissed Fatemeh Ardeshir Larijani, the daughter of the US-sanctioned security chief of the Islamic Republic, the university confirmed to Iran International on Saturday, following growing calls for her removal.
"A physician who is the daughter of a senior Iranian government official is no longer an employee of Emory," the university’s Winship Cancer Institute, where Larijani worked, said in response to Iran International’s inquiry.
"Because this is a personnel matter, we are unable to provide additional information," the university said.
The US Treasury last week sanctioned Ali Larijani, the secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, for “coordinating” the Islamic Republic's response to nationwide protests on behalf of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and for publicly calling on security forces to use force to repress peaceful demonstrators.
It sanctioned him alongside other alleged "architects" of the deadliest crackdown on protests in Iran's history earlier this month.
Emory University did not specify whether her dismissal was related to the US sanctions, but said its "employees are hired in full compliance with state and federal laws and other applicable requirements."
Ardeshir-Larijani was an assistant professor in the department of hematology and medical oncology at Emory medical school, whose official website described her research as focusing on "new target discovery and defining an immune resistance mechanism in lung cancer."
Her biography page at the university's website is no longer available following the Saturday dismissal.
US Representative Buddy Carter of Georgia earlier this week called for her removal from Emory and the revocation of her Georgia medical license.
Carter wrote in a letter to the university and the Georgia Composite Medical Board that Larijani had “recently and publicly advocated violence against Americans and US allies” while holding a senior national security position, and argued that his daughter’s continued role treating patients in the United States was unacceptable.
“Physicians are entrusted with intimate access to patients, sensitive personal information, and critical medical decision-making,” Carter wrote, adding that allowing someone with close family ties to a senior Iranian security official to hold such a position posed risks to patient trust, institutional integrity and national security.
The dismissal comes a few days after a protest gathering by a group of Iranians outside the Winship Cancer Institute, where protestors demanded her removal over her father's role in the brutal crackdown on Iranian protesters.

Iran’s near-total internet blackout since January 8 did not only shut down social media but collapsed the country’s last channels to the outside world, isolating families and sharply limiting what evidence of the crackdown could escape.
The shutdown, imposed on January 8 as protests spread nationwide, follows a familiar pattern in the Islamic Republic’s response to unrest. But its scale and duration have once again exposed a critical vulnerability for both Iranians and the outside world: when domestic networks go dark, how does information still get out?
The answer lies in a narrow and increasingly contested ecosystem of satellite-based and offline technologies that operate beyond Iran’s communications infrastructure.
Among the actors working in that space is NetFreedom Pioneers (NFP), a US-based nonprofit that has spent more than a decade developing tools for societies living under digital repression.
“People in Iran are asking for basic freedoms and basic livelihoods, and they are facing live fire,” said Evan Firoozi, NFP’s executive director. “The question is whether the outside world can still see what is happening.”
Founded in Los Angeles in 2012, NFP initially focused on countering Iran’s expanding censorship regime.
Its best-known technology, Toosheh, is a one-way satellite file-casting system that delivers information using widely available household equipment: free-to-air satellite dishes, receivers and USB drives. Because it does not rely on internet connectivity, Toosheh can continue operating even during nationwide shutdowns.
Over the years, the system has been used to distribute global news, digital security guidance and educational material inside Iran. During periods of unrest, NFP says it adjusts the content it sends, prioritizing personal safety information and verified reporting.
After a five-month pause linked to US funding disruptions, Toosheh resumed broadcasts in January as the blackout took hold.
Two-way communication is far harder to sustain. That gap has increasingly been filled by Starlink, the satellite internet service operated by SpaceX.
NFP is supporting Starlink access for Iranians, delivering terminals and covering subscription costs–that is, until Elon Musk lifted subscription fees for users in Iran–thanks to public's donations.
During the 2022 Women, Life, Freedom protests, NFP began helping deliver Starlink terminals into Iran, enabling limited but crucial connectivity for activists, journalists and civil-society networks.
“Without satellite internet, much of what the world sees from Iran simply wouldn’t exist,” said Mehdi Yahyanejad, an NFP co-founder and board member. “Most of the photos and videos that do emerge during shutdowns are transmitted through Starlink.”
The number of Starlink terminals inside Iran is impossible to verify. Activists estimate that tens of thousands may be scattered across the country, smuggled in via third countries and used not only by political groups but also by businesses, students and households seeking uncensored access.
Countermeasures
Iranian authorities have acknowledged the threat posed by such systems, and users report intermittent jamming, reportedly using Russian-supplied technology.
This week, monitoring groups including NetBlocks and Access Now reported brief, inconsistent openings in Iran’s shutdown, allowing limited messaging and data access.
The restrictions, however, remain largely in place, leaving satellite systems, one-way tools like Toosheh and trusted circumvention software as the primary lifelines for both Iranians and those trying to document events from abroad.
Groups working in this space have relied in part on public fundraising to finance satellite terminals and subscriptions, drawing support from the Iranian diaspora and technology donors.
For now, Iranians are forced to rely on a fragile patchwork: shared Starlink terminals switched on briefly to avoid detection, one-way satellite systems like Toosheh, and circumvention tools that work only intermittently.
It is enough to let fragments escape, but not enough to guarantee sustained, safe communication for millions living under blackout conditions.
New satellite technologies, including Direct-to-Cell services that allow ordinary mobile phones to connect directly to satellites without ground infrastructure, could fundamentally alter the balance.
Yet for Iranians, these services remain out of reach, constrained by sanctions, licensing barriers and political hesitation, even as the blackout model becomes an increasingly central tool of repression.
Until that changes, the outside world’s view into Iran will continue to depend on a narrow group of actors willing to take extraordinary risks to keep information moving.
Their work does not end repression, but it prevents it from disappearing entirely into darkness—and in moments like this, that distinction matters.
“I despise the system and the guardianship that ordered this crime and massacre," said Hassan Younesi, the son of former intelligence minister Ali Younesi, in a post on his X account.
He described the government and the reformist camp as complicit in the killing of people.
“I despise a government that became a partner in this crime; I despise a reformism that justified this massacre; and I grieve and mourn for Iran’s children.”

Iran’s Supreme National Security Council has officially greenlit the end of more than two weeks of a digital blackout during which thousands of protesters were killed, but internet connectivity remains unstable due to technical complications, IRGC-affiliated Fars News reported.
The CEO of Iran’s Telecommunications Infrastructure Company told reporters that problems affecting access to the internet are expected to be resolved on Saturday or Sunday.
The official said efforts are underway to stabilize connectivity after intermittent disruptions, the report said.
According to Fars News, the decision to reconnect Iran to the internet was approved by the Supreme National Security Council late Friday and formally communicated to the Ministry of Communications.
From around midday on Saturday, many users across Iran briefly regained access to the internet. However, the connection was short-lived and unstable, cutting out again after roughly 30 minutes, according to Fars News.
Fars News quoted officials at the Ministry of Communications as saying that work is continuing to restore international internet access, but that fully stabilizing the connection will take time due to technical complexity.
The ministry did not provide a precise timeline for when access would return on a sustained basis.

In recent days, provincial governors and security officials in several parts of Iran have summoned reformist figures to governorate offices for security “briefing” sessions aimed at politically justifying the crackdown on protests and the widespread killings, one participant in the meeting told Iran International.
In some sessions, the source said, objections and heated arguments broke out between reformists and security officials, with several attendees reacting strongly to the scale of the killings.
Provincial officials responded by claiming that those killed during the protests were “terrorists” or individuals who had “entered the country from abroad.”
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian had previously stressed the need to “convince different segments of society,” particularly doctors, about the Islamic Republic’s handling of the unrest and the security response.






