Biden Administration Under Fire For Iran Messaging

According to Global News on Wednesday, Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB) ordered the deportation of Salman Samani, Iran's deputy minister of interior during Hassan Rouhani's term as president.

The tribunal’s verdict is issued in compliance with the Canadian sanctions imposed against Iranian officials following the 2022 nationwide protests triggered by the death in morality-police custody of Mahsa Amini.

Salmani is the second high-ranking Iranian official who has been ordered to leave Canada. In February, Majid Iranmanesh, a director general at Iran's Vice-Presidency for Science and Technology, was also forced to leave.

Before the verdict, Iranmanesh asked the court to allow him to leave the country voluntarily without a deportation order, which he said would interfere with his research in different countries.

Global News further reported that the IRB is considering the expulsion of a third senior member of the Iranian government.

“The IRB has refused to identify him, and has opted to hold his hearings behind closed doors, apparently because he is claiming to be a refugee,” Global News added.

The Immigration and Refugee Board is also set to decide the fates of another nine high-ranking Iranian officials following their participation in deportation hearings.

Many Iranian political activists and opposition figures contend that Tehran has been using Canada as a platform to further its malicious activities via the regime’s agents there.

In November, Pierre Poilievre, the leader of Canada’s opposition Conservative Party, confirmed reports of “well-placed regime thugs” in Canada who spend the money that “they stole from the Iranian people.”

He called for tightening immigration regulations to ensure that anyone “willingly associated” with the Iranian government should not be eligible for entry to Canada.

Amid escalating tensions in the Middle East, including Iran-backed Houthi attacks on cargo ships in the Red Sea and the ongoing conflict in Gaza, France and Germany last month advocated for targeted sanctions on Iranian entities supporting regional militias. However, Borrell was hesitant to support such measures.

Borrell’s refusal reflects his unwavering position on Iran, seemingly prioritizing diplomacy time and time again.

The recent revelation of internal discord within the EU perhaps also underscores criticism by many experts – and Members of the European Parliament – who allege that Europe’s Iran policy of the last decades has failed.

In the months leading up to widespread anti-regime protests in Iran, Borrell fervently advocated for salvaging the nuclear deal. He contended that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) imposed stringent limits on Iran's nuclear pursuits, offering economic incentives in return for the lifting of sanctions imposed by the US, EU, and UN.

In August 2022, Borrell confidently announced the completion of a "final text" aimed at resurrecting the nuclear agreement, pending approval from Iran and the US. In defense of his stance, he warned of dire consequences should the deal be rejected, emphasizing the potential for a perilous nuclear crisis and heightened isolation for Iran and its populace. Borrell underscored the shared responsibility to reach a resolution, urging for the agreement's conclusion.

But, with Iran's persistent breaches of its obligations and its reluctance to fully adhere to the terms, diplomatic efforts to resurrect the deal, faced significant challenges. Borrell's offer to Iran failed to advance the talks and the JCPOA seemed dead in the water by mid-September.

The critique directed at Borrell's efforts to resurrect the nuclear deal surpasses mere apprehensions about curtailing Iran's nuclear aspirations; it delves into a deeper analysis of the broader strategic implications. The shortcomings of the original JCPOA and subsequent negotiations are starkly apparent, as they do not appear to address Iran's expanding destabilizing endeavors across the region.

This failure underscores a fundamental flaw in the diplomatic approach, highlighting the urgent need for a more comprehensive and analytically sound strategy to effectively mitigate Iran's multifaceted challenges.

Ultimately, the last-ditch efforts to salvage the nuclear deal were ostensibly halted, coinciding with the Iranian regime’s ruthless crackdown of nationwide protests in 2022/2023 and Tehran’s subsequent drone sales to Russia for its invasion of Ukraine.

As Borrell witnessed the stark reality of Iranians risking their lives in street protests – their chants were not against international sanctions but rather for the downfall of the regime.

This pivotal moment should have prompted the EU and the West to reassess their Iran policy. Yet, disappointingly, such strategic recalibration was noticeably absent from their response.

“The EU’s Iran policy of the last 44 years has failed - and it’s your job to think about new policies. Stop meeting regime representatives and start meeting the many different people that advocate for a free Iran,” MEP Hannah Neumann told Josep Borrell a year after nationwide protests first broke out.

While the EU rolled out rounds of sanctions against the regime in response to its brutality against protesters and its role in aiding Russia – it stopped short of listing the Islamic Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) as a terrorist entity.

Despite persistent demands from the Iranian diaspora, the European Parliament's decisive resolution urging the EU to act, and a bipartisan coalition of over 130 US Congress members advocating for the same, the EU remained steadfast in its refusal to designate the IRGC as a terrorist entity.

The EU policy chief insisted that such a move is not possible until a European court takes judicial action against the IRGC.

That turned out not to be accurate, with many experts explaining the pathways to list the IRGC.

In December 2023, German newspaper taz also revealed that the EU’s decision not to list the IRGC was attributed to legal constraints – specifically citing a legal opinion provided by the European Council's Legal Service.

That confidential legal opinion challenges the government's position on the matter. It suggests that while the legal basis for listing the IRGC as a terrorist organization may not be met based on two US court decisions, there are other potential grounds for such a listing that have not been explicitly ruled out.

The lingering question persists: Why has the IRGC not been listed despite ample legal grounds and a chorus of voices urging its inclusion?

Despite asserting a "clear change" in the EU's relationship with Iran due to sanctions following the protests, Borrell continued to stress the imperative of keeping diplomatic channels open.

Meanwhile, Iran's brazen aggression has persisted unchecked on numerous fronts, systematically eroding regional stability.

After Hamas's incursion into Israel on October 7 last year, resulting in 1,400 Israeli casualties – reports surfaced regarding Iran's role.

While there is debate over whether Iranian security officials assisted in planning and approving the attack, Iran’s long-standing support and financial backing of Hamas are indisputable.

This year, amid the war in Gaza, Borrell warned that the Middle East “is a boiler that can explode”.

“Everybody should try to avoid that the situation becomes explosive,” Borrell said before chairing informal talks among EU foreign ministers in Brussels.

From actively aiding Russia's invasion of Ukraine, empowering Hamas before its deadly assault on Israel and sowing chaos in the Red Sea by backing the Houthi rebels – Iran's influence and undeterred actions have proven catastrophic.

All the while, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has added cause for alarm over Iran's nuclear ambitions, admitting that its lost “full knowledge” of Tehran’s program.

In the face of such perilous circumstances, one is compelled to ask: if this does not qualify as an explosive situation, then what does?

Borrell's steadfast dedication to diplomatic engagement with Iran disregards the stark reality that even if containing Iran's nuclear program were achieved, Tehran’s destabilizing actions will persist regionally and globally.

The European Union's persistent struggle to formulate a cohesive and impactful strategy toward Iran only exacerbates instability in the region.

The pressing inquiry remains: how can Europe effectively counter Iran's disruptive conduct to preserve regional stability, halt its perpetration of human rights violations against Iranians, and safeguard its own interests in the Middle East?

It seems evident that Borrell ought to prioritize crafting a fresh strategy for the EU's dealings with Iran. Persisting with outdated and ineffective methods will only prolong instability.

From the beginning of the current water year, September 23 to March 16, Iran’s dams collectively held 23.18 billion cubic meters (bcm) of water, indicating a 10-percent loss.

Statistics also demonstrate that during this period, 33 major dams in the country, including those in Tehran, Isfahan, Fars, Razavi Khorasan, Khuzestan, Bushehr and Markazi provinces, had less water than last year.

According to the report released by state news agency ISNA, the amount of water input in Iran’s dams until March 16 equaled 13.2 bcm, down 25 percent as compared to last year for which the number was 17.6 bcm. This is while the output from the country’s dam reservoirs has increased by 7 percent to 11.71 bcm.

Iran’s total rainfall in the current water year from September 2023 to March 2024 was 123.9 millimeters (mm), which represents a 27 percent decrease compared to the long-term average of 168.9 mm and a 17 percent increase compared to the same period of the last water year, which was 150.1 mm.

Over recent years, the Iranian government’s mismanagement of the country’s environment, especially water resources, have garnered harsh criticisms from scientists and activists.

World Weather Attribution reported in November 2023 that human-induced climate change has played a major role in exacerbating a three-year drought in Iran.

Back in 2022, Farhikhtegan newspaper announced that a quarter of Iran’s farmers lost their jobs in the past seven years mostly due to lack of water.

Droughts and shortage of water have also led to soil erosion, desertification, and dust storms in Iran.

Citing Article 638 of the Islamic Penal Code, criminalizing eating in public during the holy month, Majid Mirahmadi stressed that restaurants, cafes, coffee shops, and delicatessens are not allowed to provide services in the cities until the evening prayers call and the Iftar time.

“Some thought they could provide services indoors by covering up the glass and creating a veil; there is absolutely no such license,” Mirahmadi said.

The official further warned that the police will monitor “illegal activities” in these places and any “violation” will be dealt with.

According to the Islamic principles, those who travel more than 21.5 kilometers are not obligated to fast during Ramadan.

“There is no blame on travelers for not fasting … However, they must eat in secret. It is not possible for them to eat in parks and other public places. The sacredness of Ramadan must be respected,” Iran’s deputy interior minister for security affairs announced.

Annually, millions of Iranians travel during the New Year holidays. The coincidence of Nowruz and Ramadan this year and the government’s harsh measures to shut down restaurants before evening and punish eating in public can cause many problems for travelers, especially for children and the elderly.

Living for decades under the dictatorial Islamic government has prompted many Iranians, particularly the younger generations, to distance themselves from both the regime’s ideologies and the Islamic teachings and rituals.

In February, a study by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance revealed a significant decline in adherence to religious values, despite extensive ideological propaganda by the government in Iran.

According to the Düsseldorf Higher Regional Court, the attack was carried out by an Iranian state agency, read a statement issued on X by the German Foreign Ministry on Wednesday.

Berlin said it has shared the court’s verdict with its European partners and the EU institutions and is now considering “further steps” with regard to the case.

In December 2023, the Düsseldorf Higher Regional Court sentenced a 36-year-old German-Iranian, referred to as Babak J., to two years and nine months in prison for his role in the attack.

The charges against him included conspiracy to commit aggravated arson and attempted arson. Court documents reveal that Babak J. made unsuccessful attempts to recruit an acquaintance as an accomplice, who subsequently reported the matter to law enforcement authorities.

The incident in which a molotov cocktail was fired at a school beside the synagogue, resulted in only minor damage to the synagogue. German security officials linked the plot directly to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

Babak J. has also been linked to an earlier synagogue attack in the city of Essen. Reports indicated that he had also been planning a third attack on a synagogue in Dortmund, where he was eventually apprehended.

It is one of several Iran-backed attacks over the last year on Jewish or Israeli targets either carried out or foiled, in countries including Greece, Azerbaijan and Cyprus.

Over the past two years, many Iranian political activists and opposition figures have urged Western countries to designate the IRGC as a terrorist organization over its role in suppressing dissent in Iran and orchestrating attacks abroad.