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Taliban weaponizing water as Iran officials keep mum, Tehran daily warns

Maryam Sinaiee
Maryam Sinaiee

Iran International

Aug 22, 2025, 21:22 GMT+1Updated: 02:57 GMT+0
Helmand Dam in Afghanistan
Helmand Dam in Afghanistan

A conservative daily in Tehran has accused the Taliban of deliberately withholding water to pressure Iran, urging the government to use diplomatic, economic and other tools to punish the group.

"The Taliban are intentionally cutting water flows to Iran," the Jomhouri Eslami newspaper said earlier this week in an editorial titled "End Taliban’s Impudence", warning against what it called the inaction of Iranian officials in the face of the Taliban’s “hostile conduct.”

The newspaper described Afghanistan’s now officially inaugurated Pashdan Dam as the Taliban’s “second major water blow to Iran” after refusing to deliver Iran’s allotted share of the Helmand River (Hirmand in Persian) in recent years.

Satellite images in March showed that Afghanistan was diverting the water into its Gowd-i zerreh salt flat despite promises.

Afghan dams cutting Iran's water supply

According to Khorasan newspaper, the diversion of the Harirud River to fill the Pashdan Dam in Herat Province has led to the drying up of the Doosti Dam on the Iran–Turkmenistan border—the main drinking water source for Mashhad, Iran’s second-largest city.

The 1973 Helmand River Treaty grants Iran an average flow of 26 cubic meters per second (around 820 million cubic meters annually), though drought conditions allow for reductions.

The Kamal Khan Dam, inaugurated in March 2021 under President Ashraf Ghani, fueled Iranian fears of reduced Helmand flows. Kabul framed the project as a sovereign right, while Tehran viewed it as a treaty violation.

The Helmand once sustained the Hamoun wetlands, Iran’s third-largest lake system. Prolonged droughts, damming, and contested releases have dried the wetlands, devastating Sistan-and-Baluchestan.

The construction of Pashdan Dam, the second Afghan dam affecting Iran, began before the Taliban retook Kabul. Seeking legitimacy through visible projects, the Taliban completed the dam and began impoundment in December 2024, with full inauguration announced a few days ago.

Criticism of Tehran’s 'concessions'

Jomhouri Eslami also accused successive Iranian governments, especially that of late President Ebrahim Raisi, of overlooking Taliban hostility while offering “political and economic concessions.”

“Out of fear of public opinion, they could not formally recognize the Taliban’s illegitimate rule in Afghanistan but still offered it all the privileges normally reserved for a recognized government,” the paper wrote.

The editorial charged that by remaining silent on water disputes, Iranian authorities have “encouraged the Taliban’s boldness.”

It said it is “not calling for harsh measures,” but urging political and economic pressure, alongside tighter control over unauthorized Afghan migrants, to restrain the group.

Iran-Taliban relations since 2021

When the Taliban retook Kabul in August 2021, Iran pursued a pragmatic policy: avoiding formal recognition but maintaining contacts to manage trade, refugees, border security, and above all, water.

During the Kamal Khan Dam’s inauguration in 2021, Ashraf Ghani suggested that Afghanistan might “trade water for oil.” Since then, Iranian media have suggested that the Taliban, too, is using water as a bargaining chip—pressuring Tehran to recognize its government.

In January 2025, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi became the first Iranian foreign minister in eight years to visit Kabul, seeking to address refugees, border tensions, and Helmand treaty obligations. The visit underscored how water disputes now dominate the bilateral agenda.

Jomhouri Eslami described Araghchi’s visit to Kabul as a “grave diplomatic mistake,” criticizing the government for ignoring what it suggested was deliberate desiccation of Mashhad’s primary water supply.

The government of President Masoud Pezeshkian has stepped up deportations of undocumented Afghans, with more than 1 million expelled since January. The Taliban have condemned the expulsions as violations of both international norms and Islamic principles.

However, the two sides have also engaged in pragmatic cooperation despite tensions. A recent report claimed that Iran’s Revolutionary Guard got a leaked British Ministry of Defense database from the Taliban, hoping to use it to detain suspects as bargaining chips in nuclear talks while the Taliban seeks recognition as Afghanistan’s rulers.

The Telegraph reported on Thursday that the Taliban are transferring three Afghans suspected of spying for Britain to Iran. The move is part of the secret agreement between the two governments to coordinate arrests of Afghans who worked with British forces.

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Isolated allies: Iran turns to Belarus as sanctions leave few partners

Aug 22, 2025, 18:56 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian visited Belarus this week, a heavily sanctioned Russian ally, in a trip that highlighted how Tehran’s “Look East” strategy ties it more closely to Moscow and Beijing and their sanctioned partners.

Tehran has framed the August 20 visit as part of a concerted move against Western pressure.

Iran newspaper, the administration’s mouthpiece, wrote that the president’s decision to visit Minsk was a logical continuation of Tehran’s foreign policy—a policy emphasizing a multipolar world, national sovereignty, independence, and resistance to coercion.”

Similarly, Nour News, close to Ali Khamenei's top advisor Ali Shamkhani, described the trip as a “clear message against global unilateralism and sanctions.”

Consolidating the 'Look East' strategy

For many observers, the choice of Belarus as one of Pezeshkian’s first foreign destinations after the 12-day war with Israel was a deliberate statement of intent.

Esfandiar Khodaee, a foreign relations commentator, wrote in Khabar Online that the visit showed the “Looking East” policy was no longer just a legacy of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad or Ebrahim Raisi, but “a standing pillar of the Islamic Republic’s foreign policy.”

The approach traces back to Ahmadinejad’s presidency, when Tehran expanded ties with China, Russia, India, and members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei reaffirmed the policy in 2018 with the slogan “Looking East,” emphasizing reliance on non-Western partners as sanctions mounted.

Analysts note that Europe’s hardened stance on Iran’s nuclear file—coupled with escalating US sanctions—has pushed Tehran further into Russia’s orbit.

As a commentary published by Moj News Agency put it, “Tehran’s choice of Belarus at this moment highlights its prioritization of ties with anti-Western, pro-Russian states—especially as Europe in recent months has shown no flexibility in its dealings with Iran.”

"Those who say we shouldn’t work with China and Russia — do they mean we should stand alone?" Ali Larijani, the secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council said in an interview with Khamenei's website published on Friday.

"Well, when the Westerners don’t work with us, we work with China, we work with other countries," he added.

A message of resilience

Belarus, like Iran, is heavily sanctioned and has faced sharp international isolation since aligning with Moscow over the war in Ukraine. Both states thus share an interest in showcasing resilience against sanctions.

Alireza Salimi, a member of parliament’s presiding board, told ISNA that the president’s visits to Armenia and Belarus sent a message that Iran is “sanctions-proof”.

The rhetoric was reinforced by the agreements signed in Minsk. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi announced that Tehran and Minsk were upgrading their Comprehensive Cooperation Roadmap for 2023–2026 into a strategic partnership agreement.

The two sides also discussed closer alignment within the Eurasian Economic Union, BRICS, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

Military and security undertones

Though economic cooperation was highlighted, the military dimension loomed large. Tehran and Minsk have quietly expanded security ties in recent years: an August 2023 defense memorandum paved the way for Belarusian forces to join Iranian drills in 2024, and Iran opened its first military attaché office in Minsk in 2025.

Belarusian officials have recently discussed ramping up missile production, including exploring nuclear-capable options for their Polonez rocket systems. Iran’s expertise in missile development makes it a potential partner and could raise concerns in Western capitals.

Both governments also maintain open support for Moscow’s war effort, a stance that has drawn sharp condemnation from Ukraine and NATO states. Kyiv in particular has repeatedly denounced Tehran’s supply of drones to Russia.

Trade remains modest but symbolic

Despite official optimism, trade between the two countries remains limited. Araghchi said bilateral exchanges totaled $140 million in the first half of 2025—a 14 percent increase from last year, but quite modest.

Even if current volumes are low, both sides see such arrangements as politically symbolic and vital to their shared sanctions-circumvention strategies.

Both governments also see potential in expanding connectivity. Reza Masroor, head of Iran’s Supreme Council of Free and Special Economic Zones, noted that Belarus could gain access to open waters via Iran’s free zones through the Makhachkala–Caspian Port route.

This, he argued, would allow Minsk to bypass Baltic restrictions and connect to the North–South Corridor, enabling exports of potash, agricultural goods, and industrial products to markets in the Middle East, Africa, and beyond.

Khamenei’s man rejects reformists’ call to halt uranium enrichment

Aug 22, 2025, 13:58 GMT+1

Ahmad Khatami, Tehran’s interim Friday prayer leader and a representative of the Supreme Leader, criticized the Reform Front’s recent manifesto, saying its proposal for suspending uranium enrichment mirrored US demands.

“Suspending enrichment is the American prescription in this statement,” Khatami told worshippers at Tehran’s Imam Khomeini Mosalla, according to state media.

He added: “Nuclear energy is the energy of the future, and people have repeatedly said nuclear energy is the nation’s inalienable right.”

Khatami also rejected the manifesto’s suggestion of direct talks with Washington, saying: “How can we negotiate with America, which martyred General Soleimani, attacked our country, violated all international agreements, and struck our nuclear centers?”

Iran’s Reform Front has urged sweeping political and foreign policy changes, including a temporary suspension of uranium enrichment, release of political prisoners, and direct negotiations with Washington in return for sanctions relief. The reformist push has drawn fierce backlash from conservatives.

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“The Iranian people will never surrender to America — hayhat minna al-dhilla,” he said, invoking a famous phrase from Shi’ite Islam Imam Hussein’s sermon on the day of Ashura, which means ‘far be it from us to accept humiliation.’ The expression, rooted in Hussein’s rejection of submission to Ibn Ziyad in 680 AD, has come to symbolize choosing death with dignity over life in disgrace.

Citing remarks by Ali Khamenei last year, Khatami said: “The Leader has already said negotiations with America are neither rational nor honorable. This statement recommends dishonor, and the Iranian nation will not accept such a humiliating recipe.”

Khatami further denounced the reformist document as divisive, calling it a “black letter that translates Netanyahu’s words into Persian.”

He argued that Iranians had voted 47 times since the 1979 revolution and dismissed claims of repression of dissent, insisting that media and social networks were active and free.

A recent survey conducted by a Netherlands-based institute found that the majority of Iranians would vote for either a regime change or a structural transition away from the Islamic Republic.

Iranian hardliner says Israel plotting to install ex-president Rouhani as leader

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A prominent Iranian conservative figure alleged that Israel seeks to orchestrate leadership change in Tehran by assassinating members of the Assembly of Experts to pave the way for former president Hassan Rouhani, Iranian media reported on Thursday.

Mohammad-Hassan Ghadiri Abyaneh, Iran’s former envoy to Australia, said: “The assassination of members of the Assembly of Experts is part of Israel’s plan, and the individual favored by the enemies to head the system is Hassan Rouhani.” 

The Assembly of Experts is an 88-member clerical body empowered to appoint Iran’s Supreme Leader. Its members, elected for eight-year terms, are chosen from candidates vetted by the Guardian Council, whose members are themselves appointed directly or indirectly by the Supreme Leader. 

Abyaneh added, “They want to put someone like Rouhani at the top of the system in order to fragment Iran, and the fragmentation of Iran is among Rouhani’s goals.”

He also accused reformist politician Behzad Nabavi of advising President Masoud Pezeshkian to disrupt the economy deliberately to create leverage for negotiations with the United States.

He did not present any evidence for his claims.

His comments come as Rouhani and Iran’s Reform Front have urged sweeping political and foreign policy changes, including a temporary suspension of uranium enrichment, release of political prisoners, and direct negotiations with Washington in return for sanctions relief.

Rouhani said earlier in the month, “There is no way to save the country except for all of us to become servants of the people — to recognize that sovereignty belongs to the people.”

The reformist push has drawn fierce backlash from conservatives, with some likening it to a 2003 reformist manifesto that ended in arrests and bans.

Tasnim, an outlet linked to Iran’s Guards, warned that reformists’ calls for sweeping policy changes resembled a “Gorbachev moment,” arguing such concessions to foreign narratives risk weakening national interests and repeating mistakes that led to the Soviet Union’s collapse.

European powers have warned that unless Tehran resumes nuclear talks by the end of August, they are prepared to trigger the UN’s sanctions “snapback” mechanism, which could restore Security Council penalties. 

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Hackers disrupt communications of dozens of Iranian oil and cargo ships

Aug 22, 2025, 08:22 GMT+1

A hacker group said it disabled communications on more than 60 Iranian oil tankers and cargo ships, severing links between the vessels, their ports, and the outside world in one of the largest cyberattacks on the country’s maritime sector.

The group, known as Lab-Dookhtegan (Sewn Lips), told Iran International that it hacked into the systems of the National Iranian Tanker Company (NITC) and the Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines (IRISL), disrupting operations on 39 tankers and 25 cargo ships.

The hackers said the breach was carried out by infiltrating Fanava Group, an Iranian IT and telecoms holding company that provides satellite communications, data storage, and payment systems.

They said they obtained “root-level” access to the Linux operating systems running the ships’ satellite terminals, enabling them to stop Falcon, the control software at the heart of Iran’s maritime communications.

Stopping Falcon means complete disconnection between the ships and shore, the group said, adding that the hack rendered automatic identification system (AIS) tracking and satellite links inoperable.

NITC and IRISL targeted

The two state-linked companies are central to Iran’s sanctioned economy.

NITC, a subsidiary of the National Iranian Oil Company, is one of the Middle East’s largest tanker fleets with more than 46 vessels and a total annual capacity of 11 million tons. Its tankers, such as the Amber, Apama, Deep Sea, Fortune and Faxon, transport Iranian crude globally, often switching off tracking systems to evade sanctions.

IRISL, with a fleet of about 115 vessels, is Iran’s largest cargo operator and ranked the world’s 14th biggest shipping line by Alphaliner in 2022. Its ships, including Abyan, Avang, Parisan, Radin and Touska, have been sanctioned by the US, EU and UN for their role in supporting Iran’s nuclear and missile programs.

Both companies were sanctioned by the US Treasury in 2020 for aiding the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ Quds Force, the extraterrestrial wing of the IRGC.

This is not the first time Iranian shipping has been targeted. In March 2025, Lab-Dookhtegansaid it disrupted the communications of 116 vessels belonging to the same two firms. At the time, the group claimed the attack was timed to coincide with US operations against Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen.

US and European sanctions have already limited Iran’s access to advanced maritime technology, insurance, and international ports, leaving the fleets more exposed to cyber and physical threats.

Fanava Group, founded in 2003 and headquartered in Tehran, has yet to respond to requests for comment.

The cyberattack comes as Iran faces growing scrutiny of its shipping and oil-export networks. Western governments accuse Tehran of using its maritime fleet to mask oil sales to China and others, while also supplying weapons to proxy groups including Hezbollah and Yemen’s Houthis.

In the latest effort to stop Tehran's oil exports, the US sanctioned 13 companies and eight vessels over suspected ties to Iran, the Treasury Department said on Thursday.

Iran's only navigable river at risk of drought, experts warn

Aug 21, 2025, 22:15 GMT+1

The Karun River, the longest and only navigable river in Iran, is under severe strain from drought, reduced flow, chemical pollution, and wetland degradation, according to experts.

The river, a key source of hydropower through dams such as Karun 3, Karun 4, and Gotvand, has seen its water levels fall sharply.

Experts have long criticized Iran’s dam-building policy as unsustainable, driven by poor governance and short-term political interests rather than scientific planning.

“The most significant factors in the Karun crisis are dam construction projects like Karun and Gotvand, inter-basin water transfers to provinces such as Isfahan and Yazd, and the cultivation of water-intensive crops like sugarcane and rice in Khuzestan,” Ali Arvahi, a wetland ecosystem management expert, told the news outlet Khabar Online on Thursday.

Karun 3 and Gotvand dams are located in Khuzestan Province, while Karun 4 is in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari.

“In recent years, the Karun’s flow, once 500 to 600 cubic meters per second, has fallen to below 100 cubic meters per second in some months,” Arvahi noted.

Water crisis, air pollution

Khuzestan, a major hub for sugarcane cultivation, has more than 80,000 hectares under the crop despite an ongoing water crisis.

“Sugarcane farming in Khuzestan’s semi-arid climate is neither sustainable nor economically viable in the long run. It is among the biggest planning mistakes in the Karun basin, putting extreme pressure on limited water resources,” Arvahi said.

The province also suffers some of the highest air pollution levels in Iran.

On Thursday, Iran’s Air Quality Monitoring System reported unhealthy (red-level) conditions in multiple cities of Khuzestan: Ahvaz (AQI 168), Hendijan (167), Behbahan (163), Ramhormoz (156), and Andimeshk and Omidiyeh (155).

The safe (green) range on the Air Quality Index (AQI) is 0–50, while anything above 100 is considered unhealthy, especially for sensitive groups.

Broader climate crisis

Amid an ongoing economic crisis, Iran is currently grappling with multiple national challenges including severe water shortages and widespread power outages which are also hampering the country's agricultural industry.

“The situation we are witnessing now is complete water bankruptcy across most of the country, resulting from mismanagement. When they could have prevented these issues, they paid no attention,” Mansour Sohrabi, an ecologist and environmental expert in Cologne, told Iran International.

Over the past year, Iran has recorded a 1.5°C rise in average temperatures and a 45% decline in rainfall, contributing to accelerating desertification nationwide.

The Karun River is the longest in Iran, stretching 950 kilometers (590 miles) from the Zagros Mountains through Khuzestan Province to the Persian Gulf.