Former Iranian President Mohammad Khatami has strongly backed the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding signed by US President Donald Trump and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, warning that Iran could face serious problems if the opportunity created by it is lost.
The Iran-US MoU, signed in June, set out a framework for ending the war and addressing disputes between Tehran and Washington through further negotiations. It was signed by Trump and Pezeshkian.
Khatami's official media channel published excerpts of his remarks on Tuesday.
Khatami described the Islamabad MoU as "unprecedented," saying he believed it gave Iran significant benefits while placing substantial commitments on Washington.
"Since World War II, no document signed by a US president has given this many advantages to the other side and imposed this many commitments on itself," Khatami said.
"If we lose the opportunity created by the memorandum, we will face extraordinary problems," Khatami said. "This memorandum has no parallel."
Khatami said the document carried particular weight because it had been signed by the presidents of Iran and the United States.
He said he did not trust the United States but argued that the signatures of Pezeshkian and Trump gave the document greater standing than many other agreements.
Khatami also addressed supporters of continued war, saying decisions about the country's future should not be driven by emotion.
"I, too, have been deeply affected by the killing of my leader, but the country should not be managed based on emotions," Khatami said. "We must see what is in the interests of the country, the system and Islam."
For some viewers, Soheil Beiraghi's fourth feature puts a recognizable Iran on screen for the first time in years: women without mandatory hijab, men and women embracing, underground music, and a young singer who refuses to accept that her voice cannot be heard.
Others reached almost the opposite conclusion, arguing that the film trails the society it means to portray, or that its accumulation of drugs, alcohol, sex and broken relationships pulls focus from what Iranians are actually living through.
"I watched the film. The story is deeply moving, and it reflects what we are living through as a society," one user wrote on Iran International's Instagram page, praising its defiance of taboos while criticizing some of its dialogue and pacing.
Another called it simply "behind society," arguing that Iranians now have "much, much more serious" concerns than the ones on screen.
The split has turned a film into an argument about something larger than cinema: the widening distance between what Iran's censors forbid, what filmmakers can now show by ignoring them, and what audiences already consider ordinary life.
When the street becomes the stage
Bidad follows Seti, played by Sarvin Zabetian, an aspiring singer whose ambitions collide with the restrictions on women's voices.
"You can't hear my voice," she protests to a music teacher early in the film, and is told that female singers may not be louder than the men accompanying them.
Seti refuses the compromise. She ends up singing in the street, where passers-by film her and circulate the clips, turning her into an emblem of a generation increasingly willing to take in public what official institutions withhold.
Making the film carried a price. Security agents raided the production office and seized equipment and recorded material, and Beiraghi and several cast and crew members faced prosecution.
The director received a prison sentence later converted into a fine; Zabetian and Leili Rashidi, who plays Seti's mother, were also sentenced, while other defendants were acquitted.
The film went on to win the Special Jury Prize at the Karlovy Vary International Film Festival before its release online.
Have the taboos already changed?
For some Iranian viewers, the value of Bidad lies in showing what approved cinema has never managed to.
"Just the fact that they weren't wearing scarves or headscarves at home was very good," one Instagram commenter wrote, describing the film as all the more bitter for being drawn from life. Another called it the "reality of our lives as women" in Iran.
Others questioned whether those images still transgress anything. One wrote that the film addresses concerns belonging to an earlier phase of Iranian society and has failed to keep pace with what people now demand.
Mohammad Abdi, a writer and film critic, places Bidad within Iran's underground cinema but argues that Beiraghi has gone further than his peers by abandoning the compromises censorship imposes.
"The important point is that, when it comes to the government, the film stops compromising and speaks very directly about a generation that is tired and is taking its demands to the street," Abdi told Iran International.
He rejected suggestions by some commenters that the film reflects a reformist outlook, pointing to Seti's journey from negotiating within the rules to carrying her demand into the open.
"The film is actually about moving beyond reformism," Abdi said. "She goes through all these tests until she finally concludes that reformism no longer has meaning and that she has to stand against the regime in the street."
A harsher line of criticism concerns how the film draws those who break the rules. One commenter objected to the prominence of alcohol, marijuana, sex and dysfunctional relationships, warning that such choices risk tying musicians and dissenters to social disorder in viewers' minds.
The Hollywood Reporter read the same world differently, describing a film populated by "rebels and outcasts" and arguing that Seti is far from alone in it: the picture follows one singer, but its wider significance lies in placing her among a growing number of young Iranians pushing back against limits on personal expression.
A related complaint appeared on X, where one user praised the film for its recognizable picture of Iranian life but wrote that it tries to carry too many injustices at once. Sexual harassment, a subplot in which Seti's mother is coerced into sex with an interrogator to secure her detained daughter's release, and Seti getting her period in custody were all unnecessary, the commenter argued.
That debate captures the unusual bind Bidad finds itself in: escaping censorship let it cross lines that approved cinema cannot, but crossing them no longer looks radical to audiences whose own lives changed faster than the rules did.
Two generations meet
The same divide runs inside the film, through Seti's relationship with a nameless older man played by Amir Jadidi, who asks to be called only "Bebin," or "Look."
Tattooed, frequently high and seemingly emptied of his old ideals, he stands against Seti's determination to force her way into public life, Abdi said.
Their intimate but unconventional relationship becomes an encounter between two generations: one carrying the weight of disillusionment, the other unwilling to accommodate restrictions.
The film's singing voice ties the fiction to the present. Its vocal tracks feature Parastoo Ahmadi, who has faced prosecution for performing without mandatory hijab.
In June, a court in Qom sentenced Ahmadi and eight musicians and crew members to 74 lashes each, a two-year ban on artistic work and a two-year travel ban over her 2024 Caravanserai Concert.
Bidad was made outside official channels because the Iran it shows cannot exist within the rules of approved cinema. Its reception online has exposed a second gap: some viewers celebrate the sight of those rules being broken, while others ask why the screen is still catching up with a society that broke them first.
Eleven of 16 properties examined in the affluent neighborhoods of Aghdasiyeh and Elahiyeh were advertised above 10 billion rials ($5,291) per square meter, the Iranian daily said on Wednesday.
It has to be noted that the Tehran figures are sellers' asking prices for a small selection of high-end properties, not completed transactions, while the international figures represent broader city-center apartment prices.
Average asking prices across Tehran were around 2.3 billion to 2.5 billion rials ($1,217-$1,323) per square meter, with completed sales likely to be lower than advertised prices, Farhikhtegan said.
Monthly salaries for many Iranian workers are commonly put at around 200 million to 250 million rials, equivalent to roughly $105 to $132.
Multimillion-dollar properties in northern Tehran
A 500-square-meter property in Aghdasiyeh was advertised at 15 billion rials ($7,937) per square meter, giving it a total asking price of around 7.5 trillion rials ($3.97 million), according to the newspaper.
Another property measuring 600 square meters was offered at 18 billion rials ($9,524) per square meter, or approximately 10.8 trillion rials ($5.71 million).
An 850-square-meter residential property marketed for redevelopment carried an asking price of 22 billion rials ($11,640) per square meter, putting the entire property at about 18.7 trillion rials ($9.89 million).
Prices in the sample climbed further in Elahiyeh. A 2,000-square-meter property marketed for redevelopment was advertised at 25 billion rials ($13,228) per square meter, equivalent to about 50 trillion rials ($26.46 million).
A 510-square-meter unit in a residential tower carried the same per-square-meter price, taking its total asking price to roughly 12.75 trillion rials ($6.75 million).
Tehran luxury prices overtake selected global cities
Farhikhtegan separately estimated luxury residential property in northern Tehran at $13,369 per square meter and compared that figure with average apartment prices across 30 cities.
Munich stood at $13,217 per square meter and Sydney at $13,067, according to the comparison. Shenzhen followed at $12,947, Taipei at $12,922 and Luxembourg at $12,793.
The Tehran estimate draws on luxury properties in some of the capital's most expensive neighborhoods, while the international figures cover broader city-center apartment markets.
International data focused specifically on luxury housing paints a different picture.
Knight Frank's Wealth Report 2026 defines prime property as the most desirable and expensive homes in a market, generally representing the top 5% by value.
Its data show that $1 million bought 42.1 square meters of prime residential property in Sydney at the end of 2025, implying a value of about $23,800 per square meter. The equivalent figures were about $30,400 in London, $29,500 in New York and $16,100 in Dubai.
Those figures put northern Tehran's listings in a different context. At an open-market exchange rate of around 1.89 million rials to the dollar, a property advertised at 25 billion rials per square meter was equivalent to about $13,228, below the prime residential values recorded by Knight Frank in Sydney, London, New York and Dubai.
The contrast highlights how Tehran can appear more expensive than Sydney when selected high-end listings in the Iranian capital are compared with average city-center apartments abroad, but cheaper when measured against Sydney's prime residential segment.
Tehran is not included in Knight Frank's international prime residential index, meaning no standardized ranking between the Iranian capital and the cities covered by its data is available.
Dollar pricing reaches high-end property market
The rial's depreciation has also led some owners of expensive properties to advertise rents or sale prices directly in dollars, Farhikhtegan said.
Previous listings cited by the newspaper included furnished apartments offered for monthly rents of roughly $1,100 to $4,200, with some landlords seeking dollar payments to limit the erosion of rental income as the rial loses value.
However, most residential sales and rental agreements remain denominated in Iran's currency.
The growing divide between incomes and housing costs has reshaped living arrangements for some Iranians, pushing tenants to cheaper cities or Tehran’s outskirts, back into their parents’ homes, or into shared apartments to split expenses.
Iranian forces had assessed possible strikes against US assets in southeastern Europe, including Bulgaria, which approved the use of Bezmer Air Base by US refueling aircraft last month, the sources said.
Cyprus, where a British air base was hit by a drone in March, was also identified as a potential target for retaliation against a renewed US offensive, according to one of the sources.
Iran’s forces had separately examined attacks on subsea fiber-optic cables in the Strait of Hormuz if the conflict intensified, according to the report.
One source said Tehran was preparing to expand the war if Trump acted on threats to attack Iranian infrastructure. The other said Iran would place “no limits” on its response to US military action.
The sources described last month’s strike on a US base in Jordan, which killed three American service members, as Tehran’s most accurate long-range attack to date and evidence of its ability to hit targets farther afield.
“This was also a message to Europe: it can receive missiles, so it should know where it should stand in this war,” the first insider said. “A very big mistake, such as hitting our infrastructure, could make the war go beyond the region and reach Europe.”
Iran has not publicly confirmed the reported plans.
Military analysts told the FT that Iran could target US assets in southern and southeastern Europe with medium-range ballistic missiles, but questioned their accuracy and Tehran’s stockpile of longer-range weapons.
Iran’s recent elevation of hardliners to senior security and military posts has also deepened expectations within Tehran of renewed conflict, according to the report.
Referring to Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Tehran’s chief negotiator, and Mohsen Rezaei, Iran’s top security chief, the second insider said Iran “is sending a clear message that if you don’t reach an agreement with Ghalibaf, you have to deal with Rezaei.”
“The message is: ‘Don’t be mad, because I’m madder than you are.’”
Meanwhile, negotiations over reopening the Strait of Hormuz remained stalled and Trump said there were no talks scheduled with Tehran.
