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Executions in Isfahan renew calls to end German city partnership

Benjamin Weinthal
Benjamin Weinthal

Contributor

Aug 6, 2026, 09:05 GMT+1
Freiburg is a university city in southwestern Germany, file photo
Freiburg is a university city in southwestern Germany, file photo

The public execution of two protesters in Isfahan has renewed calls for the German city of Freiburg to end its 25-year twinning with the Iranian city, with activists arguing the partnership lends legitimacy to a state punishing dissent with death penalty.

The demands follow the executions of Amirhossein Safari and Abolfazl Sepahi in Isfahan's Alikhani Square in late July. Witnesses reported clashes between security forces and people who gathered to protest the hangings.

Freiburg, a university city in southwestern Germany, is the only municipality in the country to maintain a formal partnership with an Iranian city. Iranian activists have long argued that the arrangement, established in 2000, legitimizes the Islamic Republic despite its human rights record.

Mayor Martin Horn has rejected those arguments. Speaking to Frankfurter Rundschau in June, he said, "We as a city do not conduct foreign policy," adding that shutting the door on Isfahan would undermine engagement with ordinary Iranians.

"People are reaching out to the West, and we slam the door shut? That is exactly the opposite of what we should be doing."

‘Nothing against Isfahan’

Germany-based dissident Mina Ahadi, who led a successful international campaign against Iran's practice of public stoning, said the latest executions had fundamentally changed the debate.

"I have been protesting for a long time against this twin-city partnership between Freiburg and Isfahan because it is, in reality, a relationship with the state structures of the Islamic Republic," she told Iran International.

"I therefore support the numerous protests and demands to end this partnership—especially in light of the current tragedy in Isfahan: the public execution of two young people and the threat of the death penalty facing further individuals in this city."

Ahadi said ending the partnership would not be directed against the people of Isfahan but would instead demonstrate solidarity with Iranians confronting state repression.

"It would be a sign of support for the people in Iran, who themselves are victims of the policies of the Islamic Republic," she said.

‘Unjustifiable’

Behrouz Asadi, spokesperson for Woman Life Freedom Germany, likewise argued that the partnership had ceased to function as a neutral cultural exchange.

"The twin-city partnership between Freiburg and Isfahan has clearly shown in recent years that it is not an apolitical cultural exchange," he said. "As long as the Islamic Republic controls the exchange, such a partnership primarily serves its propaganda and grants legitimacy to its networks—not to the people of Isfahan."

He said recent executions, alongside the imprisonment of activists and members of the Baha'i community, made it increasingly difficult to justify maintaining the relationship.

"The people of Isfahan have taken to the streets for freedom, democracy and human dignity," Asadi said. "

Many have suffered prison, torture or even death for it. It is not justifiable toward them to maintain a partnership that creates the impression that normal cultural exchange with this regime is possible."

Defense of human rights

The debate has also drawn attention to Baden-Württemberg's antisemitism commissioner, Michael Blume, whom some critics accuse of failing to challenge the Freiburg-Isfahan partnership. Blume did not respond to repeated requests for comment from Iran International.

The partnership has faced criticism before. In 2010, the German city of Weimar ended its relationship with Shiraz after Iranian officials visiting Germany refused to visit the Buchenwald concentration camp memorial.

For campaigners, however, the executions in Isfahan have raised the stakes beyond a long-running dispute over municipal diplomacy.

They argue the question is no longer whether cultural engagement remains desirable, but whether maintaining official ties with an Iranian municipality can be reconciled with a rapidly deteriorating human rights situation.

“Verbal distancing is no longer enough,” said Asadi. “Anyone who takes human rights seriously must draw consequences. That is why I demand the termination of the twin-city partnership with Isfahan.”

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US and Iran seek a new equilibrium neither trusts

Aug 5, 2026, 17:47 GMT+1
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A banner with a threat against President Trump's life is displayed beneath missiles during a state-organized event in Tehran's Azadi Square, Iran, July 30, 2026

A return to the pre-war status quo between Iran and the United States now appears out of reach for both sides, despite their competing claims of victory.

The negotiations under way are no longer about restoring the relationship that existed before the war, but about finding a new equilibrium that neither side fully trusts.

After two months of naval confrontation, Washington wants Iran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, while Tehran wants the United States to lift restrictions on its commercial shipping. Neither side publicly acknowledges why they fought so long against what increasingly appear to have been their own strategic and economic interests.

That mutual recognition has created an opportunity for diplomacy, but not necessarily confidence in it.

Iran and Oman announced Wednesday that they had agreed on the geographical coordinates of a proposed commercial shipping corridor through the Strait of Hormuz and were finalizing a joint statement.

The Associated Press, citing two regional officials, reported that Iranian and Omani negotiators had completed a draft agreement and were awaiting final approval from Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei.

CNN, citing a senior Persian Gulf official familiar with the talks, said the chances of reaching a broader US-Iran agreement by Friday remained only "50:50," despite President Donald Trump's repeated predictions that a breakthrough was imminent.

Diplomacy without trust

The fragility of the process is increasingly reflected inside Iran itself.

A member of Iran's negotiating team told reporters in Oman on Wednesday that one of the remaining obstacles was Trump's repeated threats to attack Iran if diplomacy failed.

Accepting a compromise under those circumstances, Iranian officials argue, would expose negotiators to accusations from domestic rivals that they had capitulated under military pressure.

Former chairman of parliament's Foreign Relations and National Security Committee, Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, warned the same day that the current pause in hostilities had created only a narrow diplomatic window.

If negotiations collapse or stall, he argued, the confrontation is likely to spread beyond the military sphere into the region's civilian economy, trade and security infrastructure.

Former foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif echoed those concerns, warning that continued closure of the Strait of Hormuz risked creating a broader regional and international consensus against Tehran, turning one of Iran's principal sources of leverage into a growing strategic liability.

Temporary pause

The debate inside Iran suggests that neither supporters nor opponents of diplomacy expect the current process to produce a durable settlement.

Across state media and security-aligned outlets, the negotiations are presented less as the beginning of a new relationship with Washington than as a tactical pause made possible by regional mediation, particularly Oman, and the temporary framework established under the Islamabad memorandum.

Official messaging continues to reject any suggestion of direct bargaining or political concession to Washington. I

nside Iran's political establishment, resistance to negotiations extends across ultra-hardline factions, conservative clerical institutions and parts of the Revolutionary Guards, all deeply skeptical of engagement with the United States.

For those groups, flexibility over Hormuz or Iran's nuclear program risks weakening deterrence rather than strengthening security.

That institutional skepticism helps explain why every sign of diplomatic progress is accompanied by warnings that the process could quickly unravel.

For both Washington and Tehran, the talks increasingly appear driven less by renewed trust than by recognition that neither side can afford another prolonged confrontation. Whether that recognition proves strong enough to overcome deep political distrust remains the central question.

New documentary probes Jamshid Sharmahd's abduction and death

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Six years after Iranian-German dissident Jamshid Sharmahd vanished during a trip to the United Arab Emirates, many questions surrounding his abduction, imprisonment and death in the custody of the Islamic Republic remain unresolved.

Marking the anniversary of his disappearance, Iran International has released the investigative documentary I'm Fine, I'll Call You!, directed by Ardavan Roozbeh.

Drawing on official documents, digital evidence and interviews with Sharmahd's family, legal team, international officials and political figures, the film reconstructs one of the Islamic Republic's most controversial intelligence operations—from his disappearance in the UAE to his death in Iranian custody.

In August 2020, Sharmahd, an Iranian-German citizen and US resident, disappeared while traveling through the United Arab Emirates.

Days later, Iran's Ministry of Intelligence announced it had captured him in what it described as a "complex operation" and transferred him to Iran—an act his family, legal team and human rights organizations have described as an extraterritorial abduction and a violation of international law.

As spokesperson for the Kingdom Assembly of Iran (Anjoman-e Padeshahi Iran), Sharmahd was accused by the Islamic Republic of involvement in the 2008 bombing of the Seyyed al-Shohada Hosseiniyeh in Shiraz.

He and his family consistently denied the allegations.

During his detention, Iranian state television aired what it said were confessions by Sharmahd, while rights groups repeatedly warned they may have been obtained under torture or coercion.

His case quickly became one of the clearest examples of what human rights organizations describe as the Islamic Republic's campaign of transnational repression.

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Germany and the United States repeatedly called for his release, while the European Parliament condemned Iran's treatment of Sharmahd in several resolutions.

Diplomatic pressure, however, failed to prevent either his death sentence or his death in custody.

In October 2024, Iranian authorities announced Sharmahd's death. Conflicting official accounts, the lack of independent access to his case and unanswered questions surrounding his final months in prison have fueled continuing demands from his family and legal representatives for an independent investigation and accountability.

More broadly, the Sharmahd case has become emblematic of the Islamic Republic's use of cross-border intelligence operations, the targeting of political opponents abroad and the use of national security prosecutions as instruments of state policy.

By reconstructing the events leading from Sharmahd's disappearance to his death, I'm Fine, I'll Call You! examines how one of Iran's most consequential transnational operations unfolded, and why key questions surrounding the case remain unresolved.

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Iran has executed at least 56 people on national security-related charges since March 19, including 27 in cases linked to protests earlier this year, UN human rights chief Volker Türk said on Wednesday.

Türk said executions and death sentences had risen since March, with more than 100 other people facing similar charges and the death penalty.

He urged Iranian authorities to halt all executions and move towards abolishing the death penalty.

The figures come after a series of executions in recent weeks of young people detained over the January protests, some of which drew gatherings by relatives and members of the public seeking to stop the sentences from being carried out.

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Protesters executed

Iranian authorities executed 20-year-old Arvin Kheirkhah at Shahroud prison on Saturday after he was sentenced to death over his involvement in the January protests, according to information obtained by Iran International.

Kheirkhah had been convicted by a Revolutionary Court on charges including moharebeh, or "waging war against God."

His family gathered outside Shahroud prison on Friday night in an effort to stop the execution, according to Iran International. In a final conversation with his family, Kheirkhah urged them not to let him be forgotten.

His execution came days after authorities hanged Amirhossein Safari and Abolfazl Sepahi in Isfahan's Alikhani Square.

The two were among 12 young men sentenced to death in a case stemming from the January protests in the square. Iranian authorities accused the defendants of involvement in the deaths of four security personnel as well as arson and vandalism.

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People gathered around the square overnight before the executions amid a heavy deployment of security forces.

Two other defendants in the same case, Golmohammad Mohammadi and Erfan Esfandiari, were executed on July 19, bringing the number put to death in the case to four.

Others remain under death sentences

A group of UN human rights experts, led by Mai Sato, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran, urged Tehran in late July to halt the executions of defendants in the Isfahan case.

"Sentencing 12 people to death in one hearing, in a closed courtroom and without clarity as to each defendant's individual responsibility violates established fair trial standards," the UN experts said in a statement.

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They said the defendants, aged from their late teens to early twenties, had reportedly faced arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance and, in some cases, ill-treatment.

The UN experts also raised concerns that convictions relied heavily on confessions broadcast on Iranian state television, while Revolutionary Court hearings were held behind closed doors and the judgments were not made public.

Anti-Islam posts follow Iran's dawn executions, sparking hardline backlash

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Angered by a wave of early-morning executions of protesters and political prisoners, some Iranian social media users have directed their anger at Islam and the morning call to prayer, prompting an IRGC-linked campaign demanding their prosecution.

As executions have accelerated in recent weeks, some Iranian social media users have increasingly portrayed the pre-dawn adhan as a reminder of hangings rather than the beginning of the day’s religious observances.

The adhan is the Islamic call summoning Muslims to the five daily prayers.

Iranian regulations state that death sentences should ordinarily be carried out at sunrise unless the court specifies another time. Executions are nevertheless widely associated with the early-morning hours, when prisoners’ families and supporters often wait for news as the dawn call to prayer is broadcast.

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Social media anger turns toward religious symbols

Posts criticizing Islam and religious symbols circulated across Instagram and X following the latest executions.

An Instagram user wrote that the dawn adhan had become “a symbol and reminder of the execution of this country’s youth,” adding that a call intended to invite people to worship, peace and salvation had instead become associated with taking lives.

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Activist Masih Alinejad wrote after clashes outside an execution site that the dawn call to prayer had become “only a symbol of death and execution.”

Another Instagram user wrote before planned executions in Isfahan that the young prisoners were due to be hanged “to the sound of the dawn call to prayer,” adding that it now carried “only the smell of death.”

Other users went further, posting profanity directed at Islam, the Quran, Shi’ite religious figures, the adhan and the Arbaeen pilgrimage. Some wrote that they no longer associated the dawn call with prayer but with executions.

IRGC-linked campaign urges crackdown

The IRGC-affiliated Fars News Agency said more than 700 people had signed a campaign on its platform by Tuesday, calling for the “maximum punishment” of those accused of “insulting Islamic sanctities online.”

Organizers cited Article 513 of Iran’s Islamic Penal Code and urged judicial and security authorities to take what they described as “effective and deterrent” action.

Under Article 513, insulting Islamic sanctities is punishable by between one and five years in prison. Cases classified as sabb al-nabi, or insulting the Prophet, can carry the death penalty.

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Fars said campaign supporters called for tougher enforcement against people who “deliberately insult Islamic sanctities” online and urged authorities to prosecute offenders under existing legislation.

Judiciary spokesman Asghar Jahangir has previously said Iran continuously monitors cyberspace through a dedicated unit within the prosecutor general’s office and urged citizens to report alleged online offenses through official channels.

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The campaign adds to broader efforts by Iranian authorities to tighten oversight of online speech as criticism over the recent executions continues to spread across social media.

Iran eyes Pakistani ports as route around US blockade

Aug 4, 2026, 18:55 GMT+1
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Iran is exploring using two of Pakistan’s ports to keep trade moving amid the US blockade of its own ports, a senior Iranian official said on Tuesday.

Mohammad-Ali Dehghan Dehnavi, head of Iran’s Trade Promotion Organization, said Karachi and Gwadar could serve as hubs for re-exporting Iranian goods to third countries. He said Pakistan could also supply Iran with essential goods and industrial raw materials.

The comments came during a visit to Islamabad alongside Iranian Industry, Mine and Trade Minister Mohammad Atabak for bilateral trade talks.

Pakistan and Iran said they would work toward increasing trade to $10 billion, advancing a free trade agreement and removing barriers involving customs, border logistics and cargo movement.

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Iranian and Pakistani officials attend a bilateral trade meeting in Islamabad, Pakistan, Aug. 4, 2026.

Pakistan emerged as a key mediator after US-Israeli strikes on Feb. 28 triggered the Iran war and Tehran largely closed the Strait of Hormuz. When Pakistan-hosted US-Iran talks ended without a breakthrough on April 13, President Donald Trump ordered a blockade of maritime traffic entering and leaving Iranian ports.

The blockade ended on June 18 under an interim agreement mediated by Pakistan but was reinstated on July 14 after the deal began to unravel and fighting resumed.

Traffic through the Strait of Hormuz remains severely restricted. Kpler data showed only six vessels — three tankers and three bulk carriers — passed through the waterway on Monday, down from seven on Sunday, with all six using the route through Iranian waters.

On April 22, the US president said the naval blockade was costing Iran $500 million a day, while the War Department estimated that Tehran had lost $4.8 billion in oil revenue by May 1.

A Friday report by The Telegraph said the United States and Israel are weighing a possible land blockade of Iran to deepen its economic isolation, as President Trump reportedly believes the naval blockade in the Strait of Hormuz has achieved all it can.

Trump discussed the proposal with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during their meeting in Washington last Tuesday, alongside several other military and non-military options, according to the report.

A senior Israeli official suggested sealing Iran’s land routes to prevent goods from entering or leaving the country, saying such pressure could produce unpredictable consequences.

Iran shares extensive land borders with Iraq, Turkey, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan and Armenia.