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ANALYSIS

War or government failure? Record inflation fuels political battle in Iran

Maryam Sinaiee
Maryam Sinaiee

Iran International

Aug 5, 2026, 09:10 GMT+1

The latest figures released by the Statistical Center of Iran offer the starkest assessment yet of the country's economy, as record inflation intensifies debate over whether the war or government mismanagement is primarily to blame.

Average annual inflation has climbed to a record 62%, while year-on-year inflation has surged to 82%, rapidly eroding household purchasing power.

Food prices remain the principal driver of overall inflation, with annual food inflation staying in triple digits for a sixth consecutive month. In July, food inflation reached 134% nationwide and 140% in rural areas. More than two-thirds of the food items monitored by the statistical agency now exceed what economists describe as crisis-level inflation.

Prices have risen sharply across other sectors as well. Household appliances are estimated to cost 114% more than a year ago, while transportation costs have climbed 103%. Economists warn that a possible gasoline price increase could push food inflation even higher by raising distribution and delivery costs.

War or government policy?

Critics of President Masoud Pezeshkian’s government, many of whom also oppose an agreement with the United States, argue that the inflation surge is rooted entirely in domestic economic policy rather than the recent conflict.

Hojjat Abdolmaleki, labor minister under former president Ebrahim Raisi, dismissed any connection between the war and rising prices.

“The war has had no effect whatsoever on inflation. Inflation has risen steadily throughout the Pezeshkian Administration, and the war’s contribution to these price increases is zero,” he said.

“Virtually all of this inflation is the direct result of misguided policies and government incompetence. Even without the war, the situation would have been the same, perhaps even worse.”

Other economists reject that assessment, arguing that both domestic policy and the conflict have driven prices higher.

Mohammad Sadegh-Alhosseini told the Iranian Students News Agency (ISNA) that domestic policies could account for inflation of between 30% and 50%, but that the increase beyond that range was linked to international tensions and the war.

Mojtaba Yousefi, a member of parliament, also said it was inaccurate to claim that the war had no effect on prices. “But it is equally wrong to attribute all inflation to the war,” he said.

Economists also caution that even an agreement between Tehran and Washington, potentially unlocking frozen assets, easing sanctions, increasing oil revenue and reducing inflation expectations, would be unlikely to bring prices down quickly.

They say chronic budget deficits, entrenched corruption and structural inefficiencies are so deeply embedded that reversing them could take years.

Even if the fighting ends, the cost of rebuilding damaged infrastructure and industry would continue to strain public finances. Conservative politician Mohammad-Reza Bahonar recently estimated reconstruction costs at $200 billion.

Purchasing power continues to collapse

The inflation surge has increasingly affected ordinary Iranians. According to a report by the Iranian Labour News Agency (ILNA), during recent months even basic staples such as chicken, eggs and bread have become unaffordable for many working-class households. Bread prices alone have risen by between 100% and 140% on average.

Official data show that prices of at least eight food items have more than doubled over the past year. Cooking oil has risen 261%, while meat prices have increased 145%.

By comparison, ILNA wrote, the minimum wage has increased by only 60%, while salaries for civil servants, pensioners, nurses and teachers have risen by between 20% and 43%, averaging roughly 30%. As a result, many of these households no longer fit the conventional definition of the middle class, the report argued.

Government food vouchers introduced in January have also lost much of their purchasing power, as authorities have left their value unchanged despite soaring food prices.

Ahmad, a retired civil servant in Tehran, said the vouchers initially allowed him to buy around ten food items. "Now I can only afford three or four."

Social media has also reflected the growing financial strain. Users report increasing numbers of people selling, or even renting out, personal belongings such as electronic devices to cover daily expenses.

Journalist Azadeh Mokhtari wrote: "When advertisements for selling hair, or even renting laptops for online classes, become more common, it means the middle class is being worn away, and the lower-income class is being pushed out of the economy."

Misery index reaches new peak

The deteriorating economic environment is also reflected in Iran's misery index, the combined rate of annual inflation and unemployment.

With annual inflation at 62% and unemployment at 9.1% in the quarter ending in June, the misery index climbed to a record 71.1%, up from 64.2% in the previous quarter. The index stood at 56.6% during the same period in 2021.

The economic burden is not evenly distributed across the country. Several provinces have recorded misery index readings above 100%, with Lorestan registering the highest level at 121.5%.

Economists say the figures reflect not only declining purchasing power and weaker job security but also rising uncertainty that makes long-term financial planning increasingly difficult for households.

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Iran eyes Pakistani ports as route around US blockade

Aug 4, 2026, 18:55 GMT+1
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A soldier stands guard beside the Cosco Wellington, the first container ship to depart after the inauguration of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor port in Gwadar, Pakistan November 13, 2016.

Iran is exploring using two of Pakistan’s ports to keep trade moving amid the US blockade of its own ports, a senior Iranian official said on Tuesday.

Mohammad-Ali Dehghan Dehnavi, head of Iran’s Trade Promotion Organization, said Karachi and Gwadar could serve as hubs for re-exporting Iranian goods to third countries. He said Pakistan could also supply Iran with essential goods and industrial raw materials.

The comments came during a visit to Islamabad alongside Iranian Industry, Mine and Trade Minister Mohammad Atabak for bilateral trade talks.

Pakistan and Iran said they would work toward increasing trade to $10 billion, advancing a free trade agreement and removing barriers involving customs, border logistics and cargo movement.

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Iranian and Pakistani officials attend a bilateral trade meeting in Islamabad, Pakistan, Aug. 4, 2026.

Pakistan emerged as a key mediator after US-Israeli strikes on Feb. 28 triggered the Iran war and Tehran largely closed the Strait of Hormuz. When Pakistan-hosted US-Iran talks ended without a breakthrough on April 13, President Donald Trump ordered a blockade of maritime traffic entering and leaving Iranian ports.

The blockade ended on June 18 under an interim agreement mediated by Pakistan but was reinstated on July 14 after the deal began to unravel and fighting resumed.

Traffic through the Strait of Hormuz remains severely restricted. Kpler data showed only six vessels — three tankers and three bulk carriers — passed through the waterway on Monday, down from seven on Sunday, with all six using the route through Iranian waters.

On April 22, the US president said the naval blockade was costing Iran $500 million a day, while the War Department estimated that Tehran had lost $4.8 billion in oil revenue by May 1.

A Friday report by The Telegraph said the United States and Israel are weighing a possible land blockade of Iran to deepen its economic isolation, as President Trump reportedly believes the naval blockade in the Strait of Hormuz has achieved all it can.

Trump discussed the proposal with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during their meeting in Washington last Tuesday, alongside several other military and non-military options, according to the report.

A senior Israeli official suggested sealing Iran’s land routes to prevent goods from entering or leaving the country, saying such pressure could produce unpredictable consequences.

Iran shares extensive land borders with Iraq, Turkey, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan and Armenia.

Why Afghans still risk death to reach Iran

Aug 4, 2026, 17:34 GMT+1
•
Negar Mojtahedi
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The father, a 35-year-old driver with his Afghan family, sits with his young daughter in a pickup van.

"Take care of my sons." Those were the final words of Hayatullah, an Afghan migrant who used his phone to record what would become the last moments of his life in the scorching desert as he tried to reach Iran.

"Pray for me. Mother, I'm dying," he said, pleading with his loved ones to look after his sons, especially Habib.

Hayatullah was among 14 Afghan migrants who died attempting to reach Iran, Afghan officials said, weeks after the vehicle carrying them broke down and they continued the journey on foot.

Why would anyone risk one of the world's deadliest migration routes to reach Iran?

The country is grappling with economic crisis and widespread repression. It has carried out one of the region's largest deportation campaigns against Afghan migrants and offers little prospect of permanent legal status.

"It's not about a choice between safety and danger," Yasin Samim, an Afghan governance and development analyst, told Iran International. "It's about what type of danger."

Samim said conditions inside Afghanistan had become so severe that many people continued to flee despite knowing the risks awaiting them in Iran.

"The fact that they come to Iran shows the severity of the situation and conditions in Afghanistan," he said. "The reasons they leave Afghanistan have not changed."

With the Taliban's return to power, legal pathways to Iran have become increasingly restricted, forcing many low-income Afghans into the hands of smugglers.

"Granting a visa has become a deal of the black market," Samim said, adding that visas can reportedly cost between $1,000 and $1,200—far beyond the reach of many Afghan families.

"The combination of poverty, unemployment and repression leaves people with no alternative," he said. "That is the only choice they have."

Those who cannot afford legal routes often attempt the crossing through Nimruz, one of the main transit corridors into Iran for irregular migration.

The route has become synonymous with one of the deadliest migration paths into the country. Migrants cross vast stretches of unforgiving desert where temperatures regularly exceed 45°C (113°F).

If smugglers abandon them or their vehicle breaks down—as happened in this case—survival quickly becomes a race against dehydration. Many die before reaching help. Others face robbery, exploitation or detention before ever reaching Iran.

Iran has long hosted one of the world's largest Afghan populations despite offering few permanent rights to those who settle there. Before its mass deportation campaign in 2025, an estimated four million Afghans lived in the country, including registered refugees, documented migrants and undocumented workers.

Yet many remained in legal limbo despite spending years—or even decades—in Iran. Children born in Iran to Afghan parents are not automatically granted Iranian citizenship, and for most there is no realistic pathway to becoming Iranian citizens.

"Iran has shut down legal pathways for Afghans in recent years," Omid Memarian, senior Iran analyst at DAWN told Iran International. "Because so many pathways have been blocked, they have to take much riskier ways to be smuggled from Afghanistan to Iran.”

That means the chance of being exploited is higher, Memarian added, and their rights are more likely to be violated.

Tighter restrictions appear to have little bearing on Afghans' calculations. It has only pushed them onto more perilous routes across deserts such as Nimruz, where extreme heat could quickly turn a journey into a death sentence.

"For them, the question is not, 'Let's go to the best ideal country.' The question is, 'Let us get out of here.' ... It's about survival," Memarian told Iran International.

Iran International reached out to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) for comment.

A spokesperson referred us to a statement issued last month warning that Afghanistan is ill-equipped to absorb the growing number of returnees.

The agency said more than six million Afghans have returned since 2023, while nearly half the country's population already depends on humanitarian aid.

It called for returns to be safe, voluntary and dignified, warning that mass deportations risk deepening one of the world's worst humanitarian crises.

Iran's president met Mojtaba Khamenei in the back seat of a car

Aug 4, 2026, 14:26 GMT+1
•
Mojtaba Pourmohsen
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Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian was taken to a secret Tehran location and allowed only minutes in a dark, tinted-window car with a man presented as Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, sources familiar with the episode told Iran International.

Pezeshkian could not see the man beside him and later asked whether the voice he had heard had really belonged to the supreme leader, according to the sources.

Their account of the only known meeting between Pezeshkian and the Islamic Republic’s third supreme leader differs sharply from the version the president has told in public.

In mid-May, Pezeshkian told a gathering of trade association representatives that he had spent two and a half hours with the new leader “in a cordial atmosphere.” Iran International’s sources said the encounter lasted only a few minutes, after which the president was asked to leave.

The meeting itself was a concession extracted under pressure. Khamenei's office agreed to it only after repeated requests from Pezeshkian and his threat to resign, the sources said, and the president was informed that, contrary to standard practice, he would not be received at the leader's usual residence.

Instead, his security detail delivered him to an undisclosed location somewhere in Tehran. There he was taken from his own vehicle and seated in the back of a commercial car with tinted windows, where, apparently, Khamenei was already waiting. The spot was dark enough that the two men could not see each other, and Khamenei's guards did not permit a handshake. The conversation was carried entirely by voice.

The treatment reportedly angered Pezeshkian, who regarded it as humiliating. According to individuals in the president's office, he later asked whether the person beside him had in fact been the supreme leader, since he had only heard a voice in the dark.

It is unclear whether the remark was an expression of anger or genuine doubt. Pezeshkian has since requested a second meeting, this time at the leader's residence. The request has so far been denied.

A leader nobody sees

The president's uncertainty lands in a country that has neither seen nor heard its new ruler. In the roughly five months since the Assembly of Experts selected Mojtaba Khamenei to succeed his father, not a single audio recording or video of him has been released.

The silence has become a subject inside Iran's own state-aligned press. On Sunday, the website of the Hamshahri newspaper published a short video claiming that foreign intelligence services could trace any audio recording of the new leader and locate his hideout by measuring acoustic energy, analyzing the frequency signature of the electrical grid and examining background noise. The video added that spy agencies could analyze vocal-tract resonances to determine the extent of his injuries or anxiety, a claim that fed rather than calmed speculation about his condition.

The world's assessments diverge just as sharply. Three weeks ago, US President Donald Trump put the odds that Mojtaba Khamenei had been killed at 90 percent. Israel's prime minister recently said he is alive.

Even the government's own senior figures do not tell one story. "I have not seen Mojtaba Khamenei during this period, and only a limited number of people have met with him," Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said in a July interview with the online program The Story of the War. One day later, Pezeshkian said in a speech that the number of meetings with the leader had increased.

A resignation he cannot repeat

The strain between the president and the leader's office has since spilled into the open. In a video circulated on social media on Monday, Mohammad Bagher Kharrazi, a Khamenei family relative by marriage, said the new leader has formally warned that Pezeshkian's next resignation, after 28 threats or attempts, will be his last.

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"He declared it officially," Kharrazi said, "and that is why they packed up, turned down the wick, and stopped threatening to resign."

The warning matches Iran International's earlier reporting. A knowledgeable source said in late May that Pezeshkian had sent a formal letter to the leader's office asking to step down, a resignation driven by what the president described as the Revolutionary Guards' complete control over the running of the country.

A president who cannot resign, then, serves a leader he cannot see. Five months into the new reign, Mojtaba Khamenei remains unseen, unheard and unrecorded, a ruler his own president has met exactly once, in the dark, and still cannot be certain he has met at all.

Aramco sidesteps Hormuz as Iran crisis cuts flows to a tenth

Aug 4, 2026, 09:34 GMT+1
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General view of Saudi Aramco's Ras Tanura oil refinery and oil terminal in Saudi Arabia.

Saudi Aramco is routing crude around the Strait of Hormuz via its East-West pipeline as the Iran-related crisis has cut shipping through the strait to a tenth of pre-conflict levels, Chief Executive Amin Nasser said on Tuesday.

"The ongoing geopolitical crisis continues to aggravate the biggest supply shock in history," Nasser said, as the Saudi oil giant reported a 42% jump in second-quarter profit.

"We continue to optimize the flexibility of the East-West pipeline," Nasser said.

The pipeline gives Saudi Arabia an alternative route for crude exports, carrying oil from the kingdom's main producing areas in the east to the Red Sea and away from the Strait of Hormuz.

Nasser said Aramco had "managed risks effectively for some time" and that the Saudi government was also working to address risks to oil shipments.

"The government is tackling this risk and that has never limited our option to go through Bab el-Mandab," he said.

Aramco's East-West pipeline and global inventories have helped ease the supply shock caused by the crisis, lowering the net loss to around 1.8 billion barrels, Nasser said.

Strait losses mount weekly

"Current trade flows through the Strait of Hormuz are at a tenth of pre-conflict levels and the world will continue to lose more than 100 million barrels for each week the strait is closed," Nasser said.

The world has lost more than 2.6 billion barrels of oil destined for a number of critical industries as a result of the crisis, he said.

An average of 11 million barrels per day of liquids supply had been removed, while Asia's crude oil imports fell by around 6 million barrels per day at the peak of the crisis, Nasser said.

"If the strait were open today it would take up to 18 months at an average rate of 2.1 million barrels a day to replenish depleted inventories," he said.

Nasser also warned that pressure was building elsewhere in the global energy system, saying the global refining system was "stretched heavily."

"There is a disconnect between futures and physical markets," Nasser said, pointing to strong refining margins that reflected tightness in refined products.

"If refineries were to suffer any major unplanned or prolonged shutdown the global energy supply system could face more severe pressure," he said.

Nasser said Aramco continued to hope for "a resolution that restores normal shipping and stabilizes the market," but warned that a recovery would not be immediate.

"Normalization will take time," he said.

Trump's U-turn reopens Tehran's political faultline

Aug 4, 2026, 04:50 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee
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A pilgrim carries a banner bearing the image of Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei during Arbaeen processions in Iraq, July 29, 2026

Donald Trump's decision to abandon a planned large-scale military strike against Iran has accelerated regional diplomatic efforts to revive US-Iran negotiations, while deepening political divisions inside Tehran over engagement with Washington.

President Donald Trump's decision to call off a planned large-scale military strike against Iran has once more exposed a key political faultline in Tehran between advocates of diplomacy and those urging the country to prepare for another war.

President Masoud Pezeshkian moved quickly to defend renewed engagement with Washington, portraying the memorandum of understanding (MoU) not as his own initiative but as the collective decision of Iran's security establishment.

Calling it "the product of the collective wisdom of the members of the Supreme National Security Council," he described the agreement as "the cornerstone of Iran's future foreign relations."

The backlash was immediate. The leadership board of the Assembly of Experts dismissed hopes of an agreement with Washington as futile and urged authorities to take legal action against what it called "voices of surrender."

Although the statement did not mention the government by name, it was widely interpreted as an indirect rebuke of Pezeshkian's diplomatic approach.

Hardline lawmaker Mahmoud Nabavian echoed the criticism, arguing that renewed calls for negotiations amounted to rescuing a weakened enemy.

"After the heavy blows inflicted by the Resistance Front, higher energy prices, dwindling strategic reserves and mounting domestic political pressure in the United States, unfortunately some people in Iran are once again seeking negotiations for various reasons, including rescuing the enemy," he wrote.

"They should know that such negotiations will never be accepted by the loyal and resilient people of Iran."

Uncertainty persists

Trump announced on Sunday that Washington was now pursuing two parallel agreements with Tehran: one to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and another addressing Iran's nuclear program. He said direct negotiations would begin on Monday.

That timetable remains uncertain. Pakistani officials say no date or venue has yet been finalized, with Islamabad and Doha among the leading candidates to host the talks.

Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar has invited Araghchi to visit Islamabad "at the earliest opportunity," while diplomatic sources told Al Hadath television that Pakistan is preparing formal invitations for both Araghchi and Parliament Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf as mediation efforts continue.

Araghchi, meanwhile, spent Monday speaking with regional officials, including Pakistan's army chief, Asim Munir, Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan, Omani Foreign Minister Badr Albusaidi and Iraqi Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein.

Tehran says negotiations with Oman over arrangements in the Strait of Hormuz are approaching their final stage.

Why diplomacy returned

The renewed diplomatic push also reflects the limits of Washington's military options, analysts say.

Farzin Nadimi, a senior fellow at The Washington Institute, told Iran International that Trump faces a strategic dilemma because the available military options either risk triggering a much broader regional conflict or are unlikely to produce decisive results.

A campaign capable of fundamentally weakening the Islamic Republic would require a much larger operation, potentially including ground forces—an option Trump has consistently sought to avoid, Nadimi said.

Historian Shahram Kholdi said Trump's decision reflected not only Iranian threats against regional infrastructure but also Gulf Arab security concerns, consultations led by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and progress in Qatari mediation efforts.

Together, the assessments suggest that both Washington and Tehran have entered another round of diplomacy not because either side believes the underlying conflict has been resolved, but because the alternatives remain costly.

Public skepticism

For many Iranians, Trump's decision has reduced the immediate risk of war without easing the uncertainty that has dominated daily life for months.

Social media users described a growing sense of limbo as repeated cycles of military threats and diplomatic reversals continued to disrupt daily life and fuel inflation.

One user wrote that the United States had returned to "sanctions, maritime pressure and Trump's empty rhetoric," leaving ordinary Iranians trapped in uncertainty.

Another complained that the recurring cycle of "war, negotiations, war, negotiations" was "destroying people's lives," arguing that prices rise after every military escalation but never fall when tensions ease.

Another user criticized Trump's inconsistent approach, writing that he "neither fights decisively nor truly makes peace," arguing that the current state of "neither war nor peace" hurts ordinary Iranians more than anyone else.