Nearly half of Iranian internet users angry over conflict outage, ISPA poll finds
Nearly half of Iranian internet users said they were angered by the country's recent internet shutdown during the conflict with the US, while most opposed unrestricted internet access for government officials, according to a survey commissioned by the communications ministry.
The survey by the Iranian Students Polling Agency (ISPA), conducted between June 15 and June 21, found that 46.1% of internet users said the shutdown of international internet access made them "very" or "to a great extent" angry and frustrated. Another 47.1% said it caused little or no anger.
The poll found that 89.3% of Iranians aged 15 and older use the internet.
Among users, 38.8% said losing access to the global internet created serious difficulties communicating with friends and family, while 33.6% said the main impact was on entertainment, including watching videos and listening to music.
Almost one-third, or 29.6%, said their work and income would have been completely disrupted if international internet access had not been restored, underscoring the reliance of many Iranians on online connectivity for their livelihoods.
The survey also suggested the restrictions did not drive most users to state media. During the outage, 39.2% said they followed news through state television, while 21.3% relied on domestic social media platforms such as Baleh and Eitaa and 14.5% turned to satellite television channels.
The findings also highlighted widespread dissatisfaction with internet services. Some 72.3% of users said they were little or not at all satisfied with internet speed, while 56.9% said increasing internet speeds would be their top policy priority. Another 21.5% said reducing internet filtering should be the priority.
The survey found 61.1% opposed unrestricted, unfiltered internet access for government officials, while 24.6% supported such access.
The communications ministry has estimated the internet shutdown cost Iran's economy about 5 trillion rials ($58 million at the official exchange rate) a day, according to the report. The survey also found that 58% of respondents viewed internet-based businesses as a key driver of job creation.
The survey was conducted on behalf of the communications ministry among a sample of 4,545 people.
Iran's president Masoud Pezeshkian gestures in a meeting, with State broadcaster chief Peyman Jebeli to his left
Iran’s government has publicly accused the state broadcaster of censoring President Pezeshkian’s remarks in which he said the late Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei privately ordered officials to negotiate with the United States despite publicly ruling out talks with Washington.
The dispute has reignited a long-running confrontation between Pezeshkian's administration and the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), which reformist and pragmatic politicians have for years accused of partisan coverage and a pro-hardline editorial line.
The omitted remarks came during a televised interview in which Pezeshkian described how Iran's leadership decided to resume negotiations.
"After the Twelve-Day War, the martyred Supreme Leader officially announced that we would no longer negotiate with the United States," Pezeshkian said. "State television broadcast those statements as well."
According to the president, he and other senior officials later met Khamenei to explain the country's circumstances, reminding him that he himself had argued that a prolonged state of "neither war nor peace" was unsustainable.
"We asked, 'What should we do?' He instructed us to go and negotiate," Pezeshkian said.
"He also sent a message saying, 'Go and resolve the problem,' because it was not possible to continue under conditions of neither war nor peace."
Pezeshkian stressed that opening negotiations did not amount to a concession, adding that even now, despite what he described as "difficulties communicating with the Leader," the government's diplomatic steps continued to be taken "under his guidance and instructions."
The remarks appear to describe a distinction between Khamenei's public stance and his private guidance to senior officials, although Pezeshkian did not explain why the two differed.
The president's office later complained that the passage had been removed from the version broadcast by state television, prompting criticism from government supporters and renewed accusations that IRIB had selectively edited the interview.
The broadcaster has not publicly explained why the segment was omitted.
The clash is the latest in a series of disputes between Pezeshkian's administration and IRIB.
Since taking office, government officials and reformist politicians have repeatedly accused the broadcaster of favouring hardline political factions, selectively editing interviews and undermining the elected government through its news coverage.
IRIB has consistently rejected accusations of political bias, saying its editorial decisions are made according to professional standards.
An Iranian flag is raised during a state-organized ceremony at Tehran's Azadi Square commemorating the country's slain Supreme Leader, July 24, 2026
President Donald Trump’s increasingly explicit threats of a wider Iran war have fueled anxiety and speculation inside the country, as analysts and social media users debate whether the conflict is approaching a more destructive and unpredictable phase.
On Friday, Trump met his top advisors to discuss the possible escalation but later told reporters he had not yet decided whether to launch major new strikes. He at the same time warned that the US military is “locked and loaded” to escalate the campaign.
His comments came one day after he told Axios he was considering launching a military strike on Iran "larger than all previous attacks" and that he was close to making a decision.
Inside Iran, however, the focus quickly shifted from Trump's words to what they might signal.
International affairs analyst Amir-Ali Abolfath drew parallels with the opening hours of the war.
"I have the same feeling I had on the night of February 28th before the major attack," he wrote. "It may not happen tomorrow, but if the current trajectory continues, another day like that—or an even bigger one—could lie ahead."
Another widely shared post by X user Tohid Javadi reflected similar anxiety.
"All the signs point to extensive bombing of Iran in the coming hours and days. Unless Iran fully surrenders, this situation will continue."
Military exchanges widen
The speculation was reinforced by another night of military exchanges.
US Central Command carried out strikes mainly across southern Iran targeting military installations, logistics facilities and air defense systems.
Iran, meanwhile, continued attacks on US positions in Kuwait, Bahrain, Jordan and Iraq's Kurdistan Region.
The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) claimed it had struck a US base in Kuwait as well as an Amazon data centre in Bahrain, alleging the facility had provided intelligence support to the US military.
Iran's army also claimed attacks on Isa Air Base in Bahrain and Al-Azraq Air Base in Jordan.
In a separate statement, the IRGC urged civilians in those countries to remain at least 500 metres away from potential Iranian targets.
Social media activist Hatef Salehi argued that the scale of the American military buildup suggested Washington was preparing for more than coercive diplomacy.
"This enormous military buildup and deployment of advanced US equipment to the region is highly unlikely to be merely psychological or diplomatic pressure on Iran."
War or pressure campaign?
Not everyone believes the latest escalation points to an imminent regional war.
Political analyst Amin Shayegan argued that the confrontation remains "more a contest of endurance than a purely military competition."
According to Shayegan, Washington is attempting to gradually erode Iran's military and economic capabilities, while Tehran is seeking to tie the costs of the conflict to global energy markets and international trade in an effort to alter US calculations.
Diplomatic activity has added another layer of uncertainty.
Britain announced the withdrawal of all its diplomats from Tehran, while reports circulated that US military aircraft had departed British air bases for operations related to Iran.
Iranian media also reported that French and German diplomats had left Tehran. France's embassy denied those reports, while the German embassy told Iran International that it remained open but was currently providing limited consular services.
Attention also focused on the arrival of an Omani delegation in Tehran.
Officially, IRNA said the visit concerned coordination of shipping management in the Strait of Hormuz. But Oman has long served as the principal intermediary between Tehran and Washington, prompting widespread speculation online that Muscat could also be carrying messages related to the rapidly escalating conflict.
Some users interpreted the visit as a final warning before a larger US military operation, while hardline commentators instead portrayed it as another attempt to revive negotiations—an outcome they argued Tehran should reject.
File ohoto shows a police officer standing inside a café in Tehran during an inspection.
Several cafés in central Tehran have been shut down after authorities renewed pressure over compulsory hijab, days after senior clerics called for stricter enforcement and weeks after the government briefly tolerated looser dress code during wartime pro-establishment gatherings.
Café owners describe a renewed campaign against businesses associated with a different urban lifestyle.
Among the cafés forced to close in recent days were some located along Tehran's central streets. Some had previously been shuttered over allegations they failed to enforce Iran's compulsory hijab rules.
The latest wave followed public appeals by Friday prayer leaders for tougher action.
“The situation regarding hijab in society is not acceptable,” Mohammad Reza Naseri, the Friday prayer imam of Yazd, said on July 17, urging officials and cultural institutions to confront what he described as “corruption and indecency.”
In the northern city of Rasht, Friday prayer imam Rasoul Falahati praised pro-government nighttime gatherings and argued that confronting what he called “organized unveiling” should also involve public participation. Falahati urged the government and parliament to fully implement Iran's hijab law.
Days later, café owners in central Tehran found their businesses sealed.
'They saw us as the odd ones out'
The owner of a café on Sanaii Street in Tehran, which was closed on July 20, told Iran International that unusual pressure had built over recent weeks, saying organizers of nighttime gatherings appeared to view cafés such as his as incompatible with the atmosphere they wanted to create.
According to the owner, plainclothes men carrying radios and firearms visited the café twice in the days before the funeral of Ali Khamenei, the slain leader of the Islamic Republic, describing the business, its staff and customers as “a stain of shame” and “the enemy's foot soldiers.”
“One of them said our city was preparing for the funeral of the leader, yet you are here engaged in pleasure, music and corruption,” the owner recalled.
He said he warned employees that closure appeared imminent.
A young woman who managed the dining area at another shuttered café on the same street said rumors of inspections had circulated the previous day, but the conduct of officials still came as a shock.
“The way they stormed in and behaved was so aggressive and disrespectful that everyone was stunned,” she said. “Some colleagues did not even have time to collect their personal belongings before the café was closed.”
Wartime images told a different story
The closures stand in sharp contrast with scenes seen only weeks earlier.
During the 40-day war and its aftermath, women without compulsory hijab appeared openly at pro-establishment nighttime gatherings and at Ali Khamenei's funeral. State media interviewed some of them, and their images appeared in official coverage.
Women gather at a café in Tehran. Cafés have become important social spaces for young Iranians, but several venues in the capital were recently closed. (File photo)
Religious singers also adopted a noticeably different tone.
“A woman with loose hijab who has come to the square is the light of our eyes and the daughter of our country,” one speaker said during a gathering.
The imagery contrasted with years of rhetoric from parts of Iran's political and religious establishment portraying women who reject compulsory hijab as posing an ideological challenge to the Islamic Republic.
The difference appeared less a change in official thinking on compulsory hijab than a reflection of changing political priorities. At a moment when authorities sought to project national unity and broad public participation, women with different styles of dress became part of the official narrative. As that period faded, so did the visible tolerance.
The pattern extended beyond dress.
State media also featured rappers performing songs supporting the system and Iran's armed forces, despite rap music facing years of official restrictions and criticism.
The contrast illustrated a broader pattern. Different forms of dress, music or cultural expression appeared acceptable when reinforcing an official political message but faced restrictions once they existed outside that framework.
Pressure spreads beyond Tehran
The closures in central Tehran form part of a broader campaign affecting businesses across Iran.
On May 19, the historic Ameri House hotel complex in the central city of Kashan was closed over what authorities described as failure to observe mandatory hijab rules.
On June 15, the judiciary's Mizan news agency reported that prosecutors ordered a Tehran café closed and opened a criminal case against its managers after images circulated online from an event authorities said violated legal and religious standards.
The campaign expanded elsewhere.
On July 2, the public prosecutor of Kohgiluyeh County announced the closure of 10 cafés and teahouses in Dehdasht for allegedly failing to observe religious standards.
Less than three weeks later, the Mohseni Mansion, a restored historic Qajar-era property operating as a hotel and restaurant in the southern city of Behbahan, was shut over what officials described as optional hijab among some customers and the playing of music.
A customer smokes a cigarette inside a café in central Tehran. (File photo)
Authorities in Lorestan, Ardebil and Aran va Bidgol have also announced closures of businesses over accusations including unveiling, failure to observe Islamic standards, moral violations.
Competing accounts
Officials and business owners offer different explanations for the closures.
Tasnim News Agency, which is affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, rejected suggestions that the cafés had been targeted over morality enforcement. The businesses, it said, were closed solely because of licensing and trade violations and that the action had “no connection” to moral security.
They describe earlier warnings, visits by plainclothes personnel, scrutiny of customers' clothing and growing pressure surrounding the atmosphere inside their businesses. Their accounts differ sharply from the official explanation and leave unanswered questions about the principal reason behind the closures.
For many owners, the consequences extend beyond politics. Many cafés had already struggled amid economic stagnation, falling purchasing power, internet disruptions and a sharp decline in customers. Sudden closure leaves employees without wages, rent unpaid and businesses facing taxes and debts despite being unable to operate.
A shopkeeper sits in darkness at a laptop store in Dezful, southern Iran, during a power outage affecting local businesses, July 14, 2026
Iran's closure of the Strait of Hormuz appears to have dealt far greater damage to its own trade with China than to Beijing's commerce with the rest of the Persian Gulf, according to newly released Chinese customs data.
Between March and June 2026, Iran's non-oil trade with China totaled just $830 million, down from $3.3 billion during the same period last year—a decline of roughly 75%.
Kpler shipping data reviewed by Iran International also point to a sharp decline in Iranian oil exports to China.
Average daily unloadings at Chinese ports fell from 1.74 million barrels per day in April to around 550,000 barrels per day in the first half of July.
Together, the figures suggest the Strait of Hormuz closure has dealt a severe blow to Iran's economic ties with its largest trading partner.
China remains the only major buyer of sanctioned Iranian crude and was by far Iran's most important commercial partner in 2025.
The disruption has also sharply increased transportation costs. According to the head of logistics at Iran's Trade Promotion Organization, shipping a container from China to Iran now costs $8,000–$9,000, up from $2,500–$3,500before the conflict.
Transporting goods through Central Asian rail corridors has become even more expensive.
Iran hit harder than regional rivals
Although trade between China and other Persian Gulf states also declined after the Strait closure, the contraction was far less severe than in Iran's case.
Chinese customs data show Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates recorded a combined $109 billion in bilateral trade with China during the first half of 2026, a 29% decline from a year earlier.
By contrast, total trade between Iran and China during the same six-month period fell 59%.
Trade between China and Oman proved even more resilient, remaining virtually unchanged at around $16 billion during the first half of the year.
The figures indicate that Iran has borne a disproportionately large share of the commercial costs associated with disrupting one of the world's most important shipping lanes.
Broader trade slowdown
The impact extends well beyond China.
Last year, Iran’s Arab neighbours accounted for roughly 51% of Iran's total non-oil trade. Since March, trade between Iran and all of those countries except Iraq has effectively come to a halt.
Iran itself has stopped publishing monthly foreign trade statistics since the regional war began, leaving customs data from trading partners among the few remaining indicators of the country's external commerce.
Data from other major economies point in the same direction.
According to Eurostat, trade between Iran and the European Union fell by more than half during the first three months of the conflict, dropping below €430 million.
India offered one notable exception. A one-month US sanctions waiver allowed Indian refiners to receive two cargoes of Iranian crude in May, lifting India's imports from Iran by more than 340% to about $950 million during the first five months of the year.
Even so, India's exports to Iran fell 17% to $470 million, reflecting weaker non-oil trade.
Official Turkish data painted a steadier picture. Despite a doubling of Iranian natural gas exports, overall trade between Iran and Turkey remained broadly unchanged at around $1.9 billion during the first half of the year.
The Chinese customs figures, shipping data and trade statistics from Europe suggest that while the Strait of Hormuz crisis has disrupted commerce across the region, Iran has so far paid a markedly higher commercial price than many of the countries it sought to pressure.
Iranian lawmakers raise fists and wave red “revenge” flags during a parliamentary session in Tehran, beneath a portrait of slain Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, July 14, 2026
The surge in oil prices appears to be hardening Tehran's resolve against renewed negotiations with Washington, giving ammunition to those who argue that a prolonged conflict puts more pressure on the United States than on Iran.
The shift comes as Brent crude climbed above $100 a barrel for the first time in two months after Iran-aligned Houthi attacks expanded maritime tensions from the Strait of Hormuz to the Bab al-Mandab Strait, raising fears of broader disruption to Middle Eastern energy exports.
US President Donald Trump this week warned that the United States would destroy Iranian bridges or power plants in response to attacks on shipping in the Strait of Hormuz.
He later blamed Tehran for Houthi attacks on commercial vessels in the Red Sea, saying any further assaults would trigger an "extremely severe" US response against both the Houthis and Iran.
Amid the escalating threats, Brent crude surged 6% on Thursday, climbing back above $100 a barrel for the first time in two months.
Tehran sees leverage
Iranian officials increasingly portrayed the price rally as evidence that insecurity around the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab al-Mandab had strengthened Tehran's negotiating position.
"The equation of this war is clear: either everyone or no one," Parliament Speaker and Iran's chief negotiator Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf wrote on X. "In a region where we cannot sell oil, no one will sell oil. If our security is not guaranteed, no infrastructure will remain safe."
He later added: "They wanted to punish Iran. Punished themselves with triple-digit oil instead."
Mohammad Mokhber, an adviser to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, argued that the latest rally reflected disruptions to transportation rather than production, implying prices could climb much higher if energy infrastructure itself came under attack.
"Oil at $100 is, so far, merely the result of disruptions in transportation, not production. The fire the United States is igniting in the region's oil and gas fields will eventually engulf the entire world."
Ali Akbar Velayati, another senior adviser to Mojtaba Khamenei, likewise warned that "the illusion of striking Iran at low cost" could have consequences extending well beyond the battlefield to global energy markets.
Talks lose momentum
The more confident tone in Tehran coincided with signs that diplomacy was stalling.
According to Axios, citing two regional sources familiar with mediation efforts, Iran's leadership rejected the latest proposal presented through intermediaries.
"We're trying, but the Iranians are not cooperating," one source told the outlet.
Trump also acknowledged that negotiations had made little progress, saying Tehran wanted to negotiate but had not "suffered enough yet."
Conservative Iranian media and hardline commentators argued that soaring oil prices had renewed Washington's interest in diplomacy and urged Tehran to resist returning to the negotiating table while economic pressure on the United States and its partners continued to build.
Following its announcement of attacks on US facilities in Kuwait, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) declared that Washington "must pay the price for breaking its commitments" and vowed not to allow the United States to use "deceptive ceasefires" to replenish military supplies and strategic reserves before resuming hostilities.
The statement accused Washington of seeking negotiations only after being "defeated on the battlefield."
Hardline commentator Hamid Moghaddam similarly argued that renewed American interest in diplomacy reflected the surge in oil prices and urged Iranian negotiators to hold their position.
Another hardline commentator wrote that unless households in the West began to feel the economic consequences of the conflict, the United States and Israel "would have no hesitation in turning Iran into another Libya or Gaza."
Former Israeli intelligence officer Danny Citrinowicz questioned whether Trump's increasingly forceful warnings would alter Tehran's calculations.
"The Houthis are not going to stop attacking, just as Iran is not going to stop supporting them," he said.
"These threats are unlikely to change behavior in either Sana'a or Tehran. If anything, repeated ultimatums that are not enforced risk highlighting the limits of American deterrence."