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ANALYSIS

Russia’s gasoline imports add pressure to Iran’s strained fuel market

Kambiz Tavana
Kambiz Tavana

Iran International

Jul 23, 2026, 20:25 GMT+1
A file photo from ISNA shows people queuing at a gas station in Iran.
A file photo from ISNA shows people queuing at a gas station in Iran.

Russia’s turn to imported gasoline after Ukrainian attacks damaged its refineries is adding demand to a tight Asian fuel market, creating a potential new complication for Iran as it struggles to cover a daily shortfall of about 30 million liters.

Iran currently produces about 105 million liters of gasoline a day while consuming approximately 135 million liters, according to Reza Sepahvand, a member of parliament’s energy committee. He said in May that wartime damage had reduced domestic production while fuel imports had also declined.

Before the US-led war that started on February 28, Iran covered part of its fuel deficit through imports and barter arrangements, particularly with traders in the United Arab Emirates.

Those regular seaborne channels have been largely cut off by the ongoing US naval blockade, which bars maritime traffic entering or leaving Iranian ports. Tehran has diverted some trade through Oman’s Khasab port and Iraq’s Umm Qasr, but trade sources say those indirect routes are slower, more expensive and have far less capacity than conventional shipping, making them ill-suited to replacing large fuel deliveries.

The disruption has left Iran more dependent on a narrower pool of non-Western suppliers and alternative trading networks. That pool is now facing additional demand from Russia, which has turned to gasoline imports after Ukrainian drone strikes damaged its refining sector and disrupted domestic supplies.

Reuters reported that Russia was seeking as much as 400,000 metric tons of gasoline a month from countries including India, Belarus and Kazakhstan. At least 60,000 tons had been shipped from India to Russia by early July.

Where Russian and Iranian demand overlaps

Not all those purchases directly compete with Iran. Fuel from Belarus and Kazakhstan largely reaches Russia through established regional and overland networks that Tehran does not normally use.

The more relevant overlap is in India and the wider seaborne fuel market, where Russian purchases could increase competition for available cargoes, tankers, insurance and financial intermediaries.

Miad Maleki, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and a former senior sanctions strategist at the US Treasury, told Iran International that Russia and Iran were increasingly looking to overlapping parts of the non-Western energy market.

“Both countries are now drawing from the same pool of non-Western refiners with spare export capacity, but Russia is a far bigger buyer,” Maleki said.

India has sharply increased its exports of gasoline and other refined fuels in response to international shortages. Its exports of light and middle distillates were expected to reach 1.55 million barrels per day in July, almost double the 866,000 barrels per day recorded in May, Reuters reported, citing data from the commodities intelligence firm Kpler.

But the additional Indian supply has not fully relieved pressure on the Asian market. Kpler estimated that Asian imports of light and middle distillates would reach 5.8 million barrels per day in July, about 18% below levels seen before the latest conflict-related disruptions.

The Financial Times reported that a 42,000-ton gasoline cargo originating at India’s Vadinar refinery was scheduled to arrive at a Russian terminal. More than 90% of the crude processed at Vadinar this year had come from Russia, according to Kpler, effectively allowing Russian oil to be refined in India and shipped back as gasoline.

For Iran, the concern is not that Russia has already taken cargoes intended for Tehran. There is no public evidence that Moscow has directly displaced a specific Iranian purchase.

Rather, Russia is adding substantial demand to a market in which Iran already faces limited suppliers, restricted banking access and higher transportation and insurance costs.

Why Tehran has fewer options

Iran’s reliance on imported fuel had been increasing even before the war. A confidential Oil Ministry report obtained by Iran International showed that the country imported nearly 5 billion liters of gasoline and diesel combined in the Iranian year ending in March 2025, twice the volume recorded a year earlier.

The figure covers both gasoline and diesel and does not establish the volume of gasoline imports alone. But it illustrates Iran’s growing dependence on foreign fuel as domestic consumption outpaces refinery production.

The report said Iran had increasingly relied on barter arrangements because sanctions restricted its access to international banking and conventional payment systems. Tehran exchanged fuel oil for gasoline and diesel, particularly through traders operating in the United Arab Emirates.

Russia’s greater purchasing power and established commercial relationships could give it an advantage where the two countries’ needs overlap.

“Russia’s economy and import bill dwarf Iran’s, giving it far more purchasing power and better logistics networks with India, Kazakhstan and Belarus,” Maleki said.

Any resulting pressure inside Iran would probably not appear first through an official increase in gasoline prices. Fuel is heavily subsidized, and the government has historically been reluctant to raise prices because of the risk of public anger.

Instead, a prolonged shortage could lead to tighter quotas, uneven distribution, longer lines at filling stations and greater reliance on unofficial markets.

Drivers in several parts of Iran were already reporting tighter rationing, long queues and gasoline being sold outside the official distribution system at sharply higher prices in May, according to Iran International.

Russia’s gasoline imports do not mean Iran will lose access to foreign fuel. But they introduce another large buyer into parts of the market Tehran relies on at a time when Iran is already struggling with damaged production capacity, rising consumption and restricted access to international trade.

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Unpaid wages push Iranian workers to brink

Jul 23, 2026, 13:20 GMT+1
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File photo shows Iranian miners resting after work at a mine.

Iranian workers who have gone months without pay may have only two months of financial resilience left without government intervention, a labor representative warned on Thursday, as wage arrears mount following conflict between the United States and the Islamic Republic.

"The country will certainly face significant unrest among workers by the end of the summer if the current trend continues," Akbar Shokat, executive secretary of the Workers' House in Qom province, told the ILNA news agency.

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Many workers, according to ILNA, who were temporarily laid off during the conflict and turned to jobs such as ride-hailing to make ends meet have since been recalled to factories, only to find that wages for June and July remain unpaid. Having returned to work, they are also no longer eligible for unemployment benefits.

Most Iranian workers, Shokat said, already live below the poverty line after years of wage suppression, leaving them with little capacity to absorb further economic pressure.

Employers accused of withholding wages

Shokat accused some employers of exploiting the current economic conditions by reducing production and delaying wage payments despite having sufficient raw materials and finished goods in storage.

"Some employers are taking advantage of the current situation," he said, adding that businesses which accumulated wealth over previous decades had a moral responsibility not to shift the burden of the crisis onto workers.

He urged the government to introduce emergency economic measures, including customs exemptions for imported raw materials and bank financing for manufacturers, to help companies continue operations and prevent further wage delays.

Shokat also called for legal action against employers who withhold workers' wages while stockpiling goods.

Strikes spread across sectors

ILNA has reported a growing number of labor protests in recent weeks.

On June 23, the agency reported that 1,600 workers at Tabriz Machinery Group stopped work after two months without pay, demanding payment of wages owed for May and June.

Earlier, healthcare workers in Islam-Abad-e Gharb of Kermanshah province gathered to protest low wages, delayed payments and worsening living conditions, criticizing what they described as unequal pay across Iran's health system and incomes that remain well below the poverty line.

Economic pressures deepen

The labor concerns come as Iran's economy faces mounting pressure following the conflict with the United States. The rial has weakened sharply against foreign currencies in the open market, with the US dollar trading above 1.91 million rials.

Separately, Saeed Shojaei, deputy planning minister at the Ministry of Industry, Mine and Trade, told the Ettelaat newspaper on July 15 that financial losses from electricity shortages affecting industry are expected to increase from about 3,030 trillion rials in the 2024 to 4,730 trillion rials in 2025.

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Shojaei warned that if current conditions persist, unemployment could increase during the second half of the year.

Why Iran’s Pickaxe Mountain has become Trump’s next target

Jul 21, 2026, 22:30 GMT+1
•
Negar Mojtahedi
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A satellite view shows an overview of the Natanz nuclear facility and Pickaxe Mountain, near Natanz, Iran, June 30, 2026. Vantor/Handout via REUTERS

President Donald Trump vowed Tuesday to strike Iran’s Pickaxe Mountain, but experts say the deeply buried nuclear facility, potentially central to Tehran’s efforts to restore enrichment, may be far harder to disable than his warning suggests.

“The new site that they’re talking about, they’re trying to possibly reconstitute a site, we’ll hit that site,” Trump told reporters Tuesday during an Oval Office meeting with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun.

“Any site where they’re even thinking about nuclear, we’ll be hitting it very, very powerfully.”

Hours after the US president’s warning, Iran’s joint military command warned that any US attack on Iran’s nuclear or other sensitive sites would widen the regional war, according to state media.

US interests and those of countries supporting Washington would face a “powerful assault” by Iran’s armed forces, Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters said.

Raja News, a hardline Tehran outlet, went further, calling for Iran to publish a list of vital infrastructure across the region, particularly in the United Arab Emirates, and strike the targets if the United States attacks Pickaxe Mountain.

The outlet said Iran should not wait for an attack before responding and urged officials to present a practical plan for withdrawing from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

Trump’s warning followed an Israeli intelligence assessment, first reported by The Wall Street Journal, that Iran moved thousands of uranium-enrichment centrifuges into Pickaxe Mountain last fall.

Israel shared the assessment with Washington, but the allegation has not been independently verified, and neither country has publicly disclosed the evidence supporting it.

If accurate, the reported transfer would make Pickaxe one of the most strategically important surviving sites in Iran’s nuclear program.

Centrifuges enrich uranium by spinning uranium hexafluoride gas at extremely high speeds and are essential for producing nuclear fuel or weapons-grade material.

“When you assemble centrifuges like that, the next step is to put them in an enrichment plant,” David Albright, president of the Institute for Science and International Security, told Iran International.

Iran began building Pickaxe Mountain after an explosion in 2020 damaged an above-ground advanced centrifuge assembly facility at Natanz in an attack widely attributed to Israel. Tehran said the underground complex would replace the damaged assembly plant.

Satellite imagery has shown years of continued construction. Albright said the underground complex appears significantly larger than would be required for centrifuge assembly alone, leading his institute to assess that it could eventually also house a uranium-enrichment plant.

If centrifuges are being stored there, experts say the facility could provide Tehran with a pathway to restore uranium enrichment despite months of US and Israeli military strikes.

A difficult target

Its depth also makes Pickaxe one of Iran’s most difficult nuclear facilities to attack.

Andrea Stricker, deputy director of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ Nonproliferation Program, said the facility is estimated to sit roughly 300 to 450 feet beneath a granite mountain, potentially placing it beyond the reach of conventional US bunker-buster bombs.

“Essentially, Pickaxe is where Iran could reconstitute a nuclear weapons pathway,” Stricker told Iran International.

Rather than attempting to penetrate the mountain itself, experts say military planners could seek to disable the facility by targeting its tunnel entrances, ventilation systems and electrical infrastructure.

“You don’t look to get a bunker buster to pass through the mountain. I mean, that’s just not possible,” Albright said.

But he added that the complex was “not immune from destruction or shutting it down.”

“If they have centrifuges in there and they can’t use them, then that is a step forward to try to keep Iran from building nuclear weapons,” he said.

Stricker said another option would be to destroy access through the eastern and western tunnel entrances, preventing Iran from re-entering the complex while allowing the site to be monitored for renewed activity.

Preventing reconstitution

For Rebeccah Heinrichs, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, Pickaxe represents a different phase of the military campaign.

While Washington still has conventional military targets it can strike from the air, Heinrichs said Pickaxe presents a more complex challenge because of its depth and its potential role in rebuilding Iran’s nuclear program.

If Trump concludes that airpower alone cannot prevent Iran from restoring its nuclear capabilities, Heinrichs said any use of US forces on the ground would more likely involve a limited special-operations mission than a conventional invasion.

"This would be a special operations mission on the ground," she told Eye for Iran, suggesting any such operation would likely be conducted alongside Israel to secure or remove sensitive nuclear material.

There is no public evidence that Washington is planning such an operation.

Heinrichs also suggested that the United States may have deliberately avoided striking Pickaxe so far to preserve the possibility of entering or securing the complex, although Washington has not publicly indicated that this was its reasoning.

Whether Trump ultimately orders an attack remains uncertain, and his warning may be intended partly to deter Iran from activating the facility.

But the president’s remarks, the Israeli intelligence assessment and mounting concern among nuclear experts have placed Pickaxe Mountain at the center of a broader strategic question: how to prevent Iran from rebuilding its nuclear program after months of military strikes.

Pakistan races to preserve Iran-US MoU amid widening war

Jul 21, 2026, 18:34 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee
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Iranian interior minister Eskandar Momeni meets Pakistan's prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, in Islamabad. July 21, 2026

Pakistan and Qatar are pressing ahead with efforts to revive Iran-US diplomacy, but Tehran has yet to publicly endorse the initiative as fighting continues over the Strait of Hormuz and resistance to renewed negotiations grows within sections of the Iranian establishment.

The Pakistan-Qatar initiative remains one of the few active diplomatic channels between Tehran and Washington. But continued military operations and widening divisions within Iran's political establishment have cast doubt on whether the fragile understanding between the two sides can survive.

Iranian Interior Minister Eskandar Momeni traveled to Islamabad on Monday for meetings with Pakistan's civilian and military leadership, including Field Marshal Asim Munir, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Interior Minister Mohsin Raza Naqvi.

Officially, the visit focused on implementing agreements reached during President Masoud Pezeshkian's visit to Pakistan last month. Pakistani media, however, reported that Islamabad is working to preserve the memorandum of understanding (MoU) and prepare the ground for another round of indirect negotiations.

Following his meeting with Momeni, Sharif expressed concern over rising tensions in the Persian Gulf and said Pakistan would continue "to play the role of an honest mediator and facilitator between Iran and the United States."

Momeni, in turn, thanked Sharif, Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar and Field Marshal Asim Munir for securing what he described as the "Islamabad understanding" between Tehran and Washington, underscoring that the talks extended well beyond routine bilateral relations.

Hardliners resist

The prospect of renewed diplomacy continues to divide Iran's political establishment.

Parliament Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, who has played a central role in Iran's negotiations with Washington, warned on Sunday that the United States continued to reinforce its military presence while claiming to seek peace.

"They have underestimated our intelligence," he wrote on X. "We have become masters at recognizing these American tricks."

"Actions must confirm their claims, not contradict them."

His remarks were interpreted by some hardline commentators as leaving the door ajar for renewed diplomacy, prompting criticism from conservatives who warned against trusting mediation efforts led by Pakistan and Qatar.

The conservative daily Kayhan argued that the current conflict presented a "golden opportunity" to break what it described as the recurring cycle of war, ceasefire and negotiations, insisting a tougher military posture would serve Iran better than another round of talks.

The IRGC-linked newspaper Javan, however, took a more nuanced position, arguing that Iran should remain prepared for both war and negotiations, provided any talks were aimed at consolidating gains achieved on the battlefield rather than restoring trust in Washington.

War clouds diplomacy

The mediation effort unfolded alongside another day of escalating military exchanges.

According to Iranian state media, Iranian forces struck US military facilities in Bahrain, Kuwait and Jordan using missiles and one-way attack drones.

The IRGC claimed the attacks destroyed early-warning radars, Patriot air-defense systems and satellite communications equipment, although those claims could not be independently verified.

The IRGC also warned commercial shipping against relying on US military protection in the Strait of Hormuz. A source quoted by the IRGC-affiliated Fars News Agency said traffic through the waterway had effectively stopped and warned it would remain closed as long as US military operations continued.

Meanwhile, US Central Command announced another round of strikes targeting Iranian military infrastructure used to threaten maritime shipping. Iranian media reported attacks on military sites in Bandar Abbas, Bushehr, Chabahar, Qeshm Island and other strategic coastal locations.

Defense analyst Farzin Nadimi told Iran International that despite nine days of intensive US strikes, Washington had so far failed to restore commercial navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, leaving difficult decisions about the next phase of the campaign.

Regional risks grow

The regional risks also continued to widen beyond the Persian Gulf.

Yemen's Houthi movement announced it had begun imposing a naval blockade on Saudi Arabia and barred Saudi oil tankers from transiting the Bab al-Mandab Strait.

Analyst Shahir Shahid-Sales said the move was likely coordinated with Tehran.

"The key question is whether the Houthis can actually enforce this blockade and how serious a conflict with Saudi Arabia may become," he wrote on X. "If they begin striking oil tankers, oil prices are likely to rise even further."

Iran economists say war is turning malaise into crisis

Jul 21, 2026, 10:37 GMT+1
•
Behrouz Turani
100%
A man with a visible disability rests on a park bench in Isfahan during the summer heat, with crutches leaning against the bench, July 17, 2026

Iran's leading economists warned Monday that renewed conflict with the United States risks pushing the country's long-festering economic problems into a more dangerous phase, arguing that inflation is becoming increasingly difficult to contain.

The unusually candid warnings came at a two-day economic conference in Tehran that brought together senior economists, policymakers and business leaders after being postponed three times because of regional instability and wartime conditions.

Speakers said the latest escalation with Washington had transformed discussions from long-term reform into managing an economy under renewed military pressure.

Former presidential adviser Masoud Nili delivered one of the starkest assessments, warning that Iran's economy was moving from a chronic but manageable malaise into an active crisis.

Years of structural mismanagement, he said, were now visibly breaking open, while inflation had entered a "more slippery phase" in which subsidies and social safety nets were no longer sufficient to protect household welfare.

Media coverage reflected the divide between government officials seeking to reassure the public and independent economists warning that structural weaknesses were becoming harder to ignore.

Economic daily Donya-ye-Eghtesad listed chronic inflation, weak and unstable growth, persistent budget deficits, foreign-exchange volatility, dual exchange rates, pension-fund insolvency, foreign-policy pressures and rising geopolitical risks among the country's most urgent challenges.

Economist Mehrdad Sepahvand, one of the conference organizers, said the event had been delayed three times because of the regional crisis.

Investment gap

Former Central Bank Governor Hossein Abdoh Tabrizi argued that banking reform was essential, saying financial institutions must become "efficient allocators of capital rather than money-printing engines."

Although public confidence in the banking system had held up during recent regional conflict, he said, deeper reforms were needed to channel savings into productive investment.

Economist Mohammad-Mehdi Behkish said rebuilding damaged infrastructure, restoring economic growth and modernizing industry would require about $500 billion in investment.

Domestic resources alone were nowhere near sufficient, he argued, making greater foreign engagement and integration into the global economy indispensable.

Alireza Bakhtiari, director of the Donya-ye-Eghtesad Media Group, said policymakers remained trapped between what he described as a "survival paradigm" and a "growth paradigm," arguing that many of Iran's domestic economic constraints could not be resolved without major foreign-policy decisions.

Government response

Government-linked outlets focused instead on Central Bank Governor Abdolnaser Hemmati, who acknowledged the severity of the economic situation while urging against panic.

Hemmati cited Iranian and international data showing a 47 percent decline in real per-capita income, saying the purchasing power of the average Iranian had fallen to levels last seen in the late 1990s.

Calling for "realism without doom-mongering," he argued that neither denial nor exaggeration would improve the economy.

"Price stability alone doesn't create goods," he said. "Only investment and productivity can sustainably restore Iranians' purchasing power."

Inflation pressures

Independent economists painted an even darker picture.

Hossein Tavakolian warned that inflation was entering a more dangerous phase.

Monthly inflation, once around 3 percent and equivalent to roughly 40 percent annually, was now periodically reaching 10 percent, he said, with nearly every major consumer category entering what he described as "red zones."

Academic economist Teymour Rahmani argued that inflation in Iran was fundamentally a political and fiscal problem rather than simply a monetary one.

Although direct government borrowing from the central bank had been curtailed, he said, fiscal pressures had merely shifted onto commercial banks, postponing rather than solving the country's inflation problem.

Iran MP says government considering petrol price rise despite war and inflation

Jul 21, 2026, 09:09 GMT+1
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Iranian officials are discussing a possible increase in petrol prices, although no proposal has yet been formally presented to parliament, the spokesman for parliament’s Energy Committee said.

Reza Sepahvand told ILNA that discussions were taking place within the government and the Plan and Budget Organization, but said raising fuel prices while Iran faces war and severe inflation would be “in no way advisable.”

Sepahvand said the government has the legal authority to change energy prices and that officials from the Oil Ministry and the National Iranian Oil Products Distribution Company were expected to discuss the issue with lawmakers this week.

“No issue has yet been raised with parliament or the Energy Committee,” he said, adding that lawmakers would seek a clearer answer from ministry officials.

Iran currently sells the first 60 liters of monthly petrol allocated to private cars at 15,000 rials per liter, equivalent to about $0.008 at an open-market exchange rate of about 1.9 million rials to the dollar.

A further 100 liters are available at 30,000 rials per liter, or about $0.016, while additional petrol purchased using station fuel cards costs 50,000 rials per liter, about $0.026.

Sepahvand warned that even from this heavily subsidized base, an increase could push up transport costs and the prices of goods and services.

“Any increase in petrol prices could fuel a new wave of price rises and place additional pressure on people’s livelihoods,” he said.

He urged the government to avoid changing petrol prices while households are already dealing with the economic effects of war and what he described as runaway inflation.

Petrol pricing is one of the most politically dangerous economic issues for the Islamic Republic. Iranian officials have repeatedly approached even limited changes cautiously because higher fuel costs quickly feed into transport, food and other prices, while falling real wages leave households with little capacity to absorb another shock.

The caution is rooted in the nationwide unrest of November 2019. A sudden overnight increase raised the subsidized petrol price by 50% and tripled the price charged above the monthly quota, setting off demonstrations within hours in cities and towns across Iran. The protests quickly broadened from anger over fuel costs into demands directed against the political system.

Authorities responded by cutting Iran off from the global internet for nearly a week and using lethal force against protesters. Amnesty International has documented 321 men, women and children killed by security forces, while Reuters, citing Iranian Interior Ministry officials, reported that about 1,500 people died.

The memory of those protests continues to shape government calculations. A petrol price increase during war and severe inflation would risk being viewed not simply as a fuel-policy change but as another sudden transfer of the state’s economic burden onto households already facing collapsing purchasing power.

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