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INSIGHT

Iran's middle class is hollowing out

Behrouz Turani
Behrouz Turani

Iran International

Jun 5, 2026, 18:58 GMT+1Updated: 20:49 GMT+1
Visitors walk through a book fair in Tehran, their silhouettes cast across the exhibition hall floor, May 28, 2026
Visitors walk through a book fair in Tehran, their silhouettes cast across the exhibition hall floor, May 28, 2026

Tehran media are publishing increasingly stark assessments of the country's social and economic trajectory, warning that years of sanctions, economic mismanagement and external shocks are eroding both the working class and the middle class.

Recent reports by state-linked, reformist and business-affiliated institutions suggest growing concern not only about economic hardship but also about its long-term social consequences.

One of the most striking indicators comes from Eghtesad News, which reported in May that Iran's middle class, estimated at 65% to 70% of the population at the beginning of the 2010s, now accounts for only around half of the country's population.

While the recent conflict involving Israel and the United States has intensified economic pressures, many analysts argue that the underlying deterioration long predates the war.

A separate study highlighted by the state-owned Mehr News Agency points to mounting pressure on small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which remain among the largest employers of working- and lower-middle-class Iranians.

According to the Iran Chamber of Commerce Research Center, macroeconomic pressures are "systematically destroying" SMEs while leaving large state-backed entities comparatively insulated.

Unable to access affordable financing and struggling with rising costs, many businesses have resorted to what the report describes as "hidden layoffs"—reducing working hours, delaying wage payments and replacing long-term contracts with temporary arrangements.

The result, according to the report, is a gradual shift of workers out of the formal economy and into more precarious forms of employment.

That trend is explored in a separate analysis published by the reformist website Rouydad24, which traces the growth of informal labor to the sanctions shock that followed intensified international pressure in 2012.

Industries dependent on foreign trade and international supply chains increasingly turned to informal employment arrangements, hiring workers without insurance coverage or social-security protections.

According to the report, the probability of workers entering the informal economy rose by roughly 9% following the sanctions shock, with the effects becoming more pronounced over time.

While the informal sector helped absorb displaced workers and prevented a sharper rise in unemployment, the long-term costs have been significant. Analysts cited by Rouydad24 point to lower productivity, weaker tax collection and growing strain on pension funds as insurance contributions decline.

Low-skilled and less-educated workers have experienced the highest rates of displacement into insecure employment, while rural communities have seen some of the sharpest reductions in working hours and income stability.

What began as a deterioration in working-class security has increasingly spread into the middle class, leading to housing insecurity, declining consumption, shrinking access to cultural activities and growing economic pessimism.

Property prices and rents have risen far faster than incomes, forcing many households into smaller homes, peripheral neighborhoods or satellite towns on the outskirts of major cities.

Economists warn that such displacement carries broader social consequences, weakening community ties, increasing commuting times and reducing overall quality of life.

Inflation has also altered household consumption patterns. Reports increasingly describe families reducing spending on meat, dairy products and other staples, while expenditures on books, cinema, travel, restaurants and other cultural activities have become harder to sustain.

The cumulative effect is a gradual narrowing of the economic and social space traditionally associated with middle-class life.

These assessments stand in sharp contrast to recent remarks by Vice President Jafar Ghaempanah, who said that 82% of Iranians were satisfied with market management and the availability of essential goods during the war.

His comments came as government officials simultaneously acknowledged that authorities were unable to increase the purchasing power of subsidized coupons used to buy basic necessities.

For many economists, the central concern extends beyond living standards. Historically, Iran's middle class has played an important role in education, entrepreneurship, professional development and civic participation.

As economic pressures push more households downward, analysts increasingly warn of declining social mobility, weaker social trust and a growing risk of future instability.

The warnings emerging from Iranian experts converge on a similar point: the country's economic difficulties are no longer confined to the poorest segments of society and are reshaping the social foundations on which long-term stability depends.

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Explained: Iran's frozen assets around the world

Jun 5, 2026, 18:08 GMT+1
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Maryam Sinaiee
Explained: Iran's frozen assets around the world
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Access to frozen assets has emerged as one of Tehran's key demands in negotiations with Washington, with Iranian officials seeking the release of at least part of the tens of billions of dollars held abroad.

According to recent media reports, negotiators are discussing a package worth roughly $12 billion that could become available if a preliminary agreement with the United States is reached.

The issue matters because even partial access to blocked funds could affect Iran's currency market, imports, government finances and broader economy.

Iranian officials estimate that more than $100 billion in assets remain inaccessible because of sanctions, banking restrictions and legal disputes that have accumulated over decades. Not all of that money would necessarily become available even in the event of an agreement, as some assets remain tied up in court cases and other restrictions unrelated to sanctions.

Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf recently traveled to Qatar, where discussions reportedly touched on the release of frozen Iranian funds.

Saeed Ajorlou, a member of the media team accompanying Iran's negotiating delegation, said in a televised interview on June 2 that the talks had been successful. He stated that once a framework agreement receives final approval, a portion of Iran's blocked assets should become available to the Central Bank of Iran in a manner that could not easily be reversed.

He also indicated that Tehran is seeking guarantees that access to the funds will continue and has linked the release of assets to the implementation of any future agreement.

Why the funds matter

A large share of Iran's blocked assets consists of oil revenues accumulated in foreign banks after the United States withdrew from the 2015 nuclear agreement in 2018 and reimposed sweeping sanctions.

Secondary sanctions made it difficult for countries purchasing Iranian oil to transfer payments directly to Tehran, causing substantial sums to accumulate in overseas accounts.

Economists say that even partial access to these resources could provide a significant boost to Iran's economy.

One immediate effect would be an increase in the Central Bank's foreign currency reserves, strengthening its ability to manage exchange-rate volatility. Additional funds could also be used to finance infrastructure projects, pay government obligations and support imports of essential goods, industrial equipment, raw materials and technology needed by domestic industries.

South Korea

South Korea once held one of the largest pools of frozen Iranian funds.

Roughly $6 billion in oil revenues accumulated in two South Korean banks before being transferred to accounts in Qatar in 2023 as part of a prisoner-exchange agreement between Tehran and Washington.

Although Iranian officials initially described the funds as released, access has remained subject to significant restrictions and the money has largely remained beyond Tehran's direct control.

Iraq

Iraq represents another major source of Iranian claims.

Much of the money stems from Iraqi purchases of Iranian natural gas and electricity. While neither side has publicly confirmed an exact figure, Iranian officials have repeatedly said that outstanding payments amount to several billion dollars.

Some of these funds have already been used for humanitarian purchases under arrangements approved by the United States. Estimates suggest that Iran could eventually gain access to between $10 billion and $12 billion held in Iraq if restrictions are eased.

China, India and Japan

China and India present a more complicated picture.

Iranian officials often avoid describing funds held in those countries as formally frozen, arguing that mechanisms exist to use at least part of the money for trade and imports.

Nevertheless, transactions remain difficult because banks and intermediaries facilitating such transfers risk exposure to US sanctions.

Iranian estimates place holdings in China in the tens of billions of dollars, while funds in India are believed to total roughly $7 billion.

Japan also holds Iranian funds linked to oil sales. Estimates generally range from $1.5 billion to $3 billion, although the exact amount remains unclear. Japanese authorities have occasionally allowed limited payments for humanitarian imports and Iran's obligations to international organizations, but most of the money remains inaccessible.

Europe

In Europe, Iranian assets are spread across multiple countries and financial institutions. Their status is shaped not only by sanctions but also by legal disputes, court rulings and anti-money-laundering regulations.

Total Iranian assets affected by these issues are estimated at anywhere from several billion dollars to as much as $20 billion.

One of the most prominent disputes involves approximately $1.6 billion to $2 billion connected to accounts belonging to Iran's central bank in Luxembourg. These assets have been tied up in litigation involving efforts by holders of US court judgments to obtain compensation related to terrorism cases.

While the exact amount of Iranian assets that could ultimately be released remains uncertain, access even to a fraction of these funds could strengthen Iran's foreign-exchange reserves, ease pressure on imports and provide the government with a significant financial cushion.

For that reason, frozen assets have become one of the most important economic components of the ongoing negotiations between Tehran and Washington.

As US talks stall, Iran moderates warn of renewed unrest

Jun 5, 2026, 03:59 GMT+1
•
Behrouz Turani
As US talks stall, Iran moderates warn of renewed unrest
100%
Residents gather along the Zayandeh Roud in Isfahan to celebrate the return of water to the river, June 3, 2026

As indirect contacts between Tehran and Washington continue and regional actors push to keep negotiations alive, competing signals continue to emerge from Iran's political establishment.

On Thursday, the Revolutionary Guards said no lasting calm would be achieved in the region unless Israel withdrew from Lebanese territory and halted attacks, while senior adviser Mohsen Rezaei insisted Iran would not give a “green light” to negotiations until all of its demands were met.

Against that backdrop, two political insiders from different camps have issued unusually direct warnings about Iran's domestic vulnerabilities, arguing that economic hardship and the widening gap between the state and society could fuel renewed unrest.

In a June 1 interview with the moderate daily Etemad, prominent centrist politician Hossein Marashi described a deep structural and cultural disconnect between the state and society.

He warned that unless the political system adapts by addressing economic inefficiencies, acknowledging cultural differences and creating channels for dissent, unrest will continue to recur.

The leadership in Tehran, Marashi argued, remains at odds with a large segment of the population over cultural and political issues and should align governance with the expectations of at least 70% of society.

According to him, the divide between state and society has become so entrenched that many Iranians now separate their attachment to the country from their view of the government.

Marashi also said one of the Islamic Republic's fundamental failures has been its inability to build a strong economy and a trusted judiciary. Protests, he argued, should not be viewed as isolated incidents but as repeated expressions of accumulated public frustration.

A similar theme emerged this week in an op-ed by reformist commentator Nasser Zakeri in Sharq newspaper.

Reviewing Iran's recent military and geopolitical challenges, Zakeri contrasted what he described as the resilience of Iran's defense sector with decades of economic underperformance marked by unemployment, chronic inflation and weak productivity.

He argued that policymakers should use the experience of the past year to identify which institutions proved resilient under pressure and which did not.

Zakeri also challenged those who portray revision as a betrayal of the Islamic Republic's core principles, arguing that even policies once considered successful must be reassessed when circumstances change.

Such arguments remain politically sensitive in a system where calls for reform or revision are often portrayed by hardliners as attempts to weaken the ideological foundations of the state.

Although Marashi and Zakeri approached the issue from different angles—one focusing on public dissatisfaction and the other on institutional performance—both arrived at a similar conclusion: military strength and crisis management alone cannot guarantee long-term stability unless the political system addresses deeper economic, social and political grievances.

Late on Thursday, reports emerged that Pakistan's Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi would return to Tehran as part of efforts to keep the Iran-US negotiating track alive.

The diplomatic process remains uncertain. But the warnings from Marashi and Zakeri suggest that, for some voices inside the establishment, the more pressing question may be whether the state can address the domestic challenges that persist regardless of whether negotiations succeed.

Tehran hardliners demand escalation as Trump says talks are progressing

Jun 5, 2026, 01:07 GMT+1
Tehran hardliners demand escalation as Trump says talks are progressing
100%

Iranian officials and hardline media are signaling a tougher stance toward Washington after the most serious US-Iran military exchange in weeks, even as President Donald Trump says negotiations are progressing and an Iran deal may still be within reach.

The latest escalation began early Wednesday, when the United States struck an Iranian telecommunications tower on Qeshm Island. Iran responded by announcing attacks on US military facilities in Kuwait and Bahrain.

Kuwaiti authorities said an Iranian drone struck Kuwait International Airport, killing one person and injuring dozens of others. The IRGC, however, denied targeting the airport.

The confrontation has put new pressure on the 56-day ceasefire between Washington and Tehran, with President Trump seeking to preserve the truce while Iranian hardliners argue that recent military action has strengthened Tehran’s position.

Read the full article here.

Iran's services imports surge as goods trade slumps

Jun 5, 2026, 01:02 GMT+1
•
Dalga Khatinoglu
Iran's services imports surge as goods trade slumps
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A worker walks past stacks of newly printed books at a printing facility in Iran, May 28, 2026

Iran's imports of services surged to a record $25.5 billion in 2025 while merchandise imports fell sharply, according to newly released data from the Central Bank of Iran, highlighting a significant shift in the country's trade structure.

Services imports accounted for roughly one-quarter of Iran's total imports during the year, an unusually high share for an economy traditionally dominated by trade in physical goods.

At the same time, Iran's exports of services declined, pushing the country's services trade deficit to a record $17 billion. The deficit was 52% higher than in 2024 and roughly three times larger than in 2020.

Separate central bank data on foreign trade in goods point to an equally dramatic contraction in merchandise trade.

Iran imported approximately $49 billion worth of goods during the fiscal year ending March 21, a decline of 32% compared with the previous year. Non-oil exports also weakened considerably, falling 22% year-on-year to about $45 billion.

The figures suggest Iran's trade structure is undergoing a significant transformation, with services playing an increasingly prominent role while merchandise trade contracts.

The reasons behind the rapid rise in services imports remain unclear.

Iran's services imports primarily include transportation and logistics services, insurance related to foreign trade, financial transaction services, engineering and construction projects, technology purchases and other professional services.

One possible explanation emerged in a Wall Street Journal report published last October, which suggested that part of Iran's oil exports to China were being exchanged for services rather than cash payments or traditional oil-for-goods arrangements.

China is effectively the sole buyer of Iranian crude oil. According to estimates by the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), Iran's crude oil exports were worth approximately $44 billion last year before accounting for sanctions-related discounts and the costs of circumventing US restrictions.

While the central bank data do not reveal the source of the imported services, the figures are consistent with the possibility that a growing share of Iran's oil revenues is being settled through services rather than conventional financial transfers or merchandise imports.

Another factor attracting attention is the role of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in both oil exports and major infrastructure projects.

Under Iran's previous budget law, the IRGC was tasked with exporting 700,000 barrels of crude oil per day, roughly half of the country's actual crude exports. The organization is also one of Iran's largest contractors in infrastructure and construction.

However, the central bank data provide no direct evidence regarding the destination of oil revenues or the beneficiaries of imported services.

The outlook for the current fiscal year is even more uncertain amid the conflict involving the United States and Israel.

Trade flows with the United Arab Emirates, Iran's largest supplier of goods, have reportedly been disrupted over the past three months.

Meanwhile, Chinese customs data show Iran and China recorded only about $400 million in bilateral non-oil trade during March and April combined, roughly one-fifth of the level recorded during the same period a year earlier.

Whether the shift toward services reflects changes in sanctions-evasion mechanisms, evolving arrangements with China, or broader economic weakness remains an open question. What is clear from the latest data is that Iran's trade profile is changing in ways not seen in recent years.

Tehran hardliners demand escalation as Trump says talks are progressing

Jun 4, 2026, 22:37 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee
Tehran hardliners demand escalation as Trump says talks are progressing
100%
CCTV footage shows fire and smoke rising following a strike on Kuwait International Airport, in Kuwait City, Kuwait June 3, 2026, in this screengrab from a video.

Iranian officials and hardline media are signaling a tougher stance toward Washington after the most serious US-Iran military exchange in weeks, even as President Donald Trump says negotiations are progressing and an Iran deal may still be within reach.

The latest escalation began early Wednesday, when the United States struck an Iranian telecommunications tower on Qeshm Island. Iran responded by announcing attacks on US military facilities in Kuwait and Bahrain.

Kuwaiti authorities said an Iranian drone struck Kuwait International Airport, killing one person and injuring dozens of others. The IRGC, however, denied targeting the airport.

The confrontation has put new pressure on the 56-day ceasefire between Washington and Tehran, with President Trump seeking to preserve the truce while Iranian hardliners argue that recent military action has strengthened Tehran’s position.

Trump keeps talks alive

Despite the latest confrontation, Trump has publicly remained optimistic about diplomacy, saying talks are progressing well and suggesting that an agreement could be reached by the end of the week.

He has described the latest American strike as severe but framed Iran’s response as retaliatory, a distinction that appears intended to leave space for diplomacy.

According to the Wall Street Journal, Trump privately told advisers that he wants to preserve the current ceasefire and would only consider resuming large-scale military operations if American service members are killed.

The message has left Washington in a delicate position: seeking to deter further Iranian attacks while avoiding steps that could collapse the ceasefire and end the negotiations altogether.

Iran’s rhetoric hardens

In Tehran, however, the public messaging has moved in the opposite direction.

Iran’s English-language Press TV argued that the country’s period of restraint had ended and described recent military action as part of a doctrine of “qualitative asymmetry,” under which Iranian responses would not necessarily remain proportional to the original attack.

The article said any hostile action by the United States, regardless of scale, could trigger a significantly broader Iranian response.

Hardline political figures have echoed that argument.

Kamran Ghazanfari, a former hardline lawmaker, accused officials of limiting the armed forces because of what he described as fruitless negotiations. He said Iran should respond to attacks with significantly greater force rather than seek compromise.

“Under no circumstances should we back down before the enemy, and if they hit one of our ships, we must hit three or four of theirs,” he said.

Such statements reflect growing pressure from hardliners who believe recent military action has strengthened Tehran’s position and that negotiations should not be allowed to restrain Iran’s military options.

Araghchi warns regional states

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi also adopted a sharper tone Thursday, saying Iran had previously warned regional countries about allowing the United States to use military bases on their soil.

His comments followed Iranian attacks on US military facilities in Kuwait and Bahrain, which Tehran announced after the United States struck an Iranian telecommunications tower on Qeshm Island in the early hours of Wednesday.

The exchange marked the most serious confrontation between Washington and Tehran since the ceasefire came into effect and immediately raised questions about its durability.

Kuwaiti authorities said an Iranian drone struck Kuwait International Airport, killing one person and injuring dozens of others. The IRGC denied targeting the airport.

A spokesperson for the force claimed that damage to the passenger terminal was caused by a malfunction involving a US-supplied Patriot missile system, arguing that interceptor missiles had fallen on the facility after failing to stop incoming Iranian projectiles.

Washington denied that Iranian missiles successfully struck American military installations. Iranian media outlets, however, published satellite images they said showed damage to a shelter used for drones and aircraft at Kuwait’s Ali Al Salem Air Base.

Iranian state media and IRGC-affiliated outlets have also dismissed photographs that purportedly show damage to Kuwait Airport, describing them as fabricated images intended to support what they called a false narrative.

Regional alarm grows

The attacks have deepened concern among regional governments that the ceasefire could unravel.

Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry condemned the Iranian missile and drone attacks on Kuwait and Bahrain, warning that escalating hostilities could derail efforts to resolve the conflict through peaceful means.

Islamabad called on both sides to exercise maximum restraint and noted that formal negotiations between Tehran and Washington, which Iran suspended after recent US military actions, have not yet resumed.

The Pakistani statement underscored the widening regional stakes of the confrontation. While Trump has continued to emphasize the possibility of a deal, Iran’s suspension of direct message exchanges through mediators has left the diplomatic track vulnerable to further military escalation.

Lebanon adds pressure

Developments in Lebanon have added another layer of uncertainty.

Iran has linked continued negotiations with Washington to ceasefires across all regional fronts. But despite an earlier truce arrangement, Israel launched new attacks in southern Lebanon on Thursday.

Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem criticized agreements reached by the Lebanese government and said the group remains committed only to a complete cessation of Israeli attacks, a formal ceasefire and a full Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territory.

The IRGC reinforced that position, saying a comprehensive ceasefire, including in Lebanon, remains a prerequisite for ending the broader regional conflict.

Some Iranian media outlets, including Iran View 24, have argued that Israeli military activity in Lebanon is intended not only to violate ceasefire arrangements but also to test Iran’s deterrence and the resilience of allied groups across the region.

Risk of unraveling

The longer talks remain unresolved, the greater the risk that military incidents and hardline pressure could overtake diplomacy.

Canada-based analyst Shahir Shahid Saless argued in a post on X that as negotiations drag on and Iranian leaders gain confidence from recent attacks on US positions in Kuwait and Bahrain, Trump may eventually reconsider his commitment to the ceasefire.

His assessment points to the central danger facing both sides: Trump is still signaling that he wants a deal, but Tehran’s public posture is becoming less conciliatory, and the ceasefire now depends not only on the US-Iran track but also on events in Kuwait, Bahrain and Lebanon.

For now, both governments continue to leave room for diplomacy. But the latest exchange has narrowed that room, giving hardliners in Tehran more space to argue that military pressure, not negotiation, is what has shifted the balance.