Clerics question Khamenei Jr’s leadership role

Officials in Tehran say the sums are meant to “buy” unity among Lebanon’s Shiite leadership to ensure that they “act in accordance with Iran’s interests, not Lebanon’s interests.”

Nabih Berri did not respond to Iran International’s request for comment. One of his advisers said that Berri would not comment on the matter at this time.

Berri has not publicly opposed Hezbollah’s attacks on Israel in support of Iran, the sources said, because he does not want to risk losing his financial resources.

The 88-year-old politician heads Lebanon's Amal Movement and holds significant sway in Lebanon’s domestic and foreign policy.

The Shiite organization, formed in the 1970s, remains one of the country’s main political actors. It maintains close political ties with Hezbollah, and both belong to Lebanon’s Shiite political camp.

On March 1, Hezbollah targeted Israel in support of Tehran. Israel launched a new military operation in retaliation.

The sources said Berri has been unwilling to support efforts by the Lebanese government to disarm Hezbollah because, in exchange for receiving large sums from Tehran, he must “advance measures in the Lebanese parliament that align with Tehran’s interests.”

In recent months, Lebanon’s President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam have tried to pressure Hezbollah to disarm in order to reduce tensions with Israel and the international community.

Army forces have confiscated Hezbollah weapons in parts of southern Lebanon, but senior Lebanese officials have said that fully implementing the plan could trigger internal tensions, as Hezbollah has refused to hand over its entire arsenal.

Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem and officials of the Islamic Republic have repeatedly opposed disarming the group.

Following Hezbollah’s attack on Israel, the Lebanese government announced that the group's military activities would be banned.

On March 6, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz warned the Lebanese government that if it remains unable to fulfill its commitments regarding Hezbollah’s disarmament, Lebanon will “pay a very heavy price.”

Tehran considers Hezbollah one of the main pillars of the so-called Axis of Resistance—a term used by Iranian officials to refer to allied armed groups such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah, Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces, and the Houthis in Yemen.

The Wall Street Journal reported in November 2025 that Tehran transferred hundreds of millions of dollars in oil revenue to Hezbollah in the preceding year through exchange offices, private companies and a financing network in Dubai.

Israel’s Kan network reported in December 2025 that Tehran had agreed to pay $1 billion to Hezbollah.

Neither report can be independently verified by Iran International.

The office of the Speaker of Lebanon’s Parliament, in a statement issued after the article was published, called the claim "false and baseless."

Alireza Sohbati, a diplomat at the Iranian embassy in Copenhagen, and Mohammad Pournajaf, a diplomat at the Iranian embassy in Canberra, have submitted asylum requests.

Pournajaf had previously served as the chargé d'affaires of the Islamic Republic’s embassy in Australia.

In recent months, amid escalating political and social developments linked to the Iranian national uprising, other cases of Islamic Republic diplomats abandoning their posts and seeking asylum have also been reported.

Iran International had previously reported that Alireza Jeyrani Hakamabad, a senior diplomat at the Iranian mission to the UN Office in Geneva, had left his workplace and applied for asylum in Switzerland.

Similarly, Gholamreza Derikvand, the chargé d'affaires of the Islamic Republic’s embassy in Austria, applied for asylum in Switzerland after leaving his post.

US President Donald Trump recently called on Islamic Republic diplomats around the world to distance themselves from the government and apply for asylum.

Players who arrived on Wednesday are being kept at a hotel where journalists and media are not allowed to enter, according to sources familiar with the situation.

Some players had their mobile phones confiscated, while others were allowed to keep them only under the supervision of security personnel from the Iranian football federation.

Sources told Iran International that pressure on the players began in Tehran and has continued during the team’s camp ahead of the 2026 Asian Championship.

Mohammad Rahman Salari, a member of the Iranian Football Federation’s board, played a central role in enforcing the restrictions and repeatedly collected and inspected the phones of players and staff after the team’s first match.

Fatemeh Bodaghi, who is traveling with the delegation as manager of Iran’s women’s national team, was described by sources as acting on behalf of the federation’s security apparatus under the leadership of federation president Mehdi Taj, monitoring players’ social media accounts and reporting their activities to authorities in Tehran.

Sources also said Zeinab Hosseinzadeh, the team’s physiotherapist, was among those involved in exerting pressure on players.

Farideh Shojaei, the women’s vice president of the football federation, is also accompanying the team. She previously said options for the team’s return to Iran amid US-Israeli airstrikes were being examined, including a possible land route through Turkey, after attempts to return via the United Arab Emirates did not succeed.

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Players face pressure after anthem protest

The crisis surrounding the Iranian women’s national football team began on March 2, when the squad refused to sing the Iranian national anthem before their opening match against South Korea at the AFC Women's Asian Cup in Australia.

This silent protest, occurring shortly after the start of the Iran war and the killing of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, was immediately labeled an act of "wartime treason" by the state media. As the team progressed through the group stage, they were reportedly kept under strict surveillance by delegation minders, with international human rights groups and political figures warning that the athletes faced severe punishment, including the possibility of the death penalty, if they were forced to return to Tehran.

Six members of the delegation accepted humanitarian visas and remained in Australia to seek asylum, while the rest of the team boarded their flight to Malaysia.

Among the most serious allegations are reports that wounded army personnel have been denied assistance by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), that some frontline units are operating with minimal ammunition, food and drinking water, and that attempts to mobilize reserve forces have faltered.

Tensions between army and Revolutionary Guards

One of the sharpest points of friction appears to involve medical support for wounded soldiers.

Sources said that regular army units are suffering significant casualties but that IRGC personnel have refused to transport injured army soldiers to hospitals despite having access to medical facilities.

According to the sources, Revolutionary Guards officials rejected repeated army requests for assistance, citing shortages of ambulances and blood supplies.

The refusals have deepened anger and resentment between personnel from the two forces, adding to long-standing institutional tensions between the regular army (Artesh) and the IRGC.

Frontline shortages

The reported tensions come alongside severe shortages affecting some frontline and field units of the Iranian army.

Sources described worsening logistical conditions that have left troops struggling with limited ammunition and inadequate basic supplies.

In one example cited by the sources, some units were issued only 20 bullets for every two Artesh soldiers, leaving troops with little capacity to respond to potential attacks.

Field units in several areas are also said to be operating without reliable access to drinking water or sufficient food supplies.

The harsh conditions and what some soldiers perceive as neglect by commanders have contributed to what sources described as group desertions, with soldiers leaving bases and seeking refuge in nearby towns.

Strain extends to IRGC units

The strain is not limited to the regular army, according to the sources.

Even within IRGC missile units – traditionally among the best resourced parts of Iran’s military – there have been reports of communications equipment failures and shortages of food and other basic supplies.

Despite these problems, the sources said the command structure appears to be prioritizing the delivery of technical components needed to keep missile systems operational, rather than sending additional food rations or individual equipment to personnel.

The accounts suggest commanders are focusing on maintaining strategic weapons capabilities while troops face deteriorating living conditions.

Reserve mobilization falters

Efforts to widen the manpower pool appear to have run into resistance as well.

Sources said attempts by the Revolutionary Guards to mobilize reserve forces earlier this week produced limited results.

Many of those summoned for service reportedly did not report to military centers. Instead, some individuals used the situation to leave their areas and assist family members in moving toward border regions in hopes of leaving the country.

The vessel, belonging to the Iranian army’s navy, docked at the port of Colombo on March 5 due to what was described as an “engine technical malfunction,” carrying 208 naval personnel, including 53 officers and 84 officer cadets.

The former official said the ship’s request for humanitarian assistance due to engine trouble was in fact a cover for a “mass escape” by the crew.

He said the crew’s decision stemmed from a deep collapse of their trust in the Islamic Republic amid the current war in Iran.

The source added that the sinking of the destroyer Dena by a US submarine further intensified this distrust, saying the incident showed the crew that the Islamic Republic does not care about the lives and fate of its forces.

The source said all 208 sailors had left the ship, were transferred to the Welisara naval base and are now under the supervision of Sri Lankan security authorities.