Iran indicts 17 foreign crew members over seized tanker fuel case
Photo of the seized tanker as released by Iranian state media.
Iran’s judiciary has indicted 17 foreign nationals accused of smuggling fuel after their tanker was seized in the Gulf of Oman in July, the head of Hormozgan province’s justice department said on Wednesday.
Mojtaba Ghahremani said the suspects, from four different countries, were detained when Iranian forces intercepted the vessel east of Hormozgan province. The ship was carrying more than 2.3 million liters of diesel, he said, adding that the case has now been sent to court for trial.
The indictment follows the July 14 seizure, when Iranian border guards and naval units boarded the tanker near the port of Jask. State media later identified the vessel as the Phoenix, sailing under the Cook Islands flag. Authorities at the time said the ship was transporting smuggled fuel, with the cargo valued at roughly $840,000.
Iran has stepped up maritime enforcement in the region, citing large-scale fuel smuggling driven by price differences with neighboring countries. In recent months, the Revolutionary Guard and other security forces have reported multiple operations in the Gulf of Oman and the Strait of Hormuz — a strategic waterway for global oil shipments.
In April, the IRGC Navy said it intercepted a vessel carrying about 100,000 liters of fuel and arrested six crew members. Around the same time, two other tankers alleged to be transporting more than 3 million liters of diesel were seized and taken to the port of Bushehr.
Expanding salt storms from the dried basin of Lake Urmia in northwestern Iran have forced residents to abandon nearby villages, damaged farmland and raised fears of long-term health risks, Iran’s Labor News Agency reported on Wednesday.
The outlet said years of drought and groundwater depletion have left once-fertile fields barren, destroying local agriculture and livelihoods.
Farmers told ILNA that widespread crop failure has driven them to close their orchards and shops, with some families migrating to nearby towns.
“The salt-laden winds have made breathing painful. People are leaving,” one resident said.
Local officials warned that the storms -- clouds of fine salt lifted from the desiccated lakebed -- are contaminating soil and water and triggering respiratory and even cancer-related illnesses among remaining residents.
In the village of GovarchinGhale, population has dropped from more than 470 families to around 130, mostly elderly people, according to the village council.
ILNA cited environmental experts linking the worsening crisis to decades of overpumping and illegal wells.
Urmia County Governor Rasoul Moghabeli said the number of wells in the lake basin had surged from 7,000 to over 90,000 in recent years, putting dangerous pressure on the groundwater.
Officials from the Urmia Lake Restoration Headquarters denied reports of mass migration, saying the reports were politically motivated, but acknowledged that more than 90% of water consumption in the region goes to agriculture -- much of it for water-intensive crops such as apples and sugar beet.
They warned that unless irrigation practices are reformed and unauthorized farmland reclaimed, the salt storms could expand across northwestern Iran within a decade, threatening millions of residents.
The report comes as Iran faces a deepening nationwide water emergency with 19 major dams close to depletion.
Iran summoned European ambassadors in Tehran on Wednesday to protest what it called interventionist and baseless remarks made in a joint statement by the European Union and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) on its territorial claims and defense policies.
Political Deputy Foreign Minister Majid Takht-Ravanchi said the envoys and heads of European missions were called in after the EU-GCC communiqué questioned Iran’s sovereignty over three islands in the Persian Gulf and criticized its missile and regional activities.
“The summons followed the meddlesome allegations in the joint statement of the EU and GCC foreign ministers regarding Iran’s islands and its defensive issues,” Takht-Ravanchi said, according to state media.
The move is a response to an EU-GCC meeting whose final statement backed the UAE’s claim to Abu Musa, Greater Tunb and Lesser Tunb -- urging a peaceful settlement or referral to the ICJ -- and called for a strictly peaceful Iranian nuclear program, and curbs on the proliferation of missiles, drones and related technology.
Tehran rejects the UAE’s claims, says the three islands are integral Iranian territory, and accuses Western and Persian Gulf states of undermining its sovereignty.
The statement also called on Iran to restore full cooperation with the UN nuclear watchdog. It also pressed Yemen’s Iran-aligned Houthis to join UN-led talks, halt Red Sea attacks and free detained aid workers.
The move comes amid heightened tensions after UN sanctions were reimposed and renewed Western pressure over Iran’s nuclear and regional activities.
Speaking at the EU-GCC High-Level Forum on Regional Security and Cooperation in Kuwait, EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said the bloc sought to “encourage Iran to act as a responsible power in the Middle East” while acknowledging that the return of UN sanctions was “a setback but not the end of diplomacy.”
Kallas also linked instability in the Red Sea to Iran’s support for Yemen’s Houthi group and urged continued dialogue to reduce tensions.
Germany’s Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul also accused Tehran of “projecting destabilizing influence” through its regional proxies and warned that Houthi attacks were endangering both Israel and international shipping routes.
Iran’s Foreign Ministry has dismissed such criticism as politically motivated.
Spokesman Esmail Baghaei said Tuesday that “those who reimposed restrictions on Iran and accuse us of destabilization have no right to lecture us,” describing the remarks as shameful and hypocritical.
Baghaei added that European governments, which he said spend “hundreds of billions of dollars” on advanced weaponry, were in no position to question Iran’s indigenous defense capabilities.
Australia has introduced legislation that would, for the first time, allow its government to designate foreign state entities -- including Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) -- as terrorist organizations.
Attorney-General Michelle Rowland presented the bill to Parliament, saying it aims to close a major legal gap in Australia’s counterterrorism framework by permitting the listing of state-backed organizations accused of supporting or conducting terrorist acts.
The move follows findings by the Australian Security Intelligence Organization (ASIO) that the IRGC was involved in two anti-Semitic attacks in Sydney and Melbourne in 2024.
Rowland said the new Criminal Code Amendment (State Sponsors of Terrorism) Bill 2025 would strengthen Australia’s ability to respond to “malicious foreign actors” and serve as a warning to any state seeking to threaten the country through violence or coercion.
“This bill strengthens Australia’s counterterrorism framework, creating an environment in which it is more difficult, more risky, and more costly for foreign actors to cause harm,” she told Parliament.
Under the proposed law, the government would gain the power to list foreign state agencies or entities as state sponsors of terrorism if they are found to have directly or indirectly planned, supported, or financed acts of terrorism against Australia.
Once listed, it would become a criminal offence to collaborate with, fund, or provide material assistance to those entities. Limited exemptions would apply for diplomatic or legal obligations.
The legislation introduces new criminal offences, including preparing or participating in state-sponsored terrorist acts and offering material support to listed state actors. Intelligence and law enforcement agencies would also receive expanded powers to investigate and disrupt suspected state-linked terrorism.
A flag flutters above the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Canberra, Australia, August 26, 2025.
ASIO findings link IRGC to attacks in Australia
The bill comes after a series of actions by Canberra against Tehran. In August, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese expelled Iranian Ambassador Ahmad Sadeghi following ASIO’s conclusion that the IRGC directed two arson attacks on Jewish sites -- one at a kosher restaurant in Sydney and another at a synagogue in Melbourne.
“ASIO has now gathered enough credible intelligence to reach a deeply disturbing conclusion that the Iranian government directed at least two of these attacks. Iran has sought to disguise its involvement,” Albanese said.
He described the incidents as “extraordinary acts of aggression orchestrated by a foreign nation on Australian soil.”
The proposed law would align Australia more closely with allies such as the United States, which designated the IRGC as a terrorist organization in 2019.
The group, established in 1979 after Iran’s Islamic Revolution, reports directly to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and wields significant military, political, and economic influence at home and abroad. Its Quds Force oversees operations that have supported armed groups in Lebanon, Gaza, Yemen, and Syria.
Australia’s move follows its decision last week, along with New Zealand, to implement revived United Nations sanctions on Iran after European powers triggered the snapback mechanism over Tehran’s nuclear program. The sanctions reimposed restrictions on arms, finance, and missile activities.
Canberra has also joined G7 nations in condemning Iran’s repression of dissidents abroad and intimidation of diaspora communities. In September, Australia warned of “transnational repression” targeting journalists and Jewish groups.
Rowland said the latest legislative step reflects Australia’s evolving security environment. “The threats we face are changing,” she said. “This bill ensures that our national security laws remain fit for purpose -- robust, balanced, and capable of protecting all Australians.”
Turkey’s accelerating move to replace Russian and Iranian pipeline gas with domestic production and US liquefied natural gas (LNG) could shrink Tehran’s last major European export market, Reuters reported on Wednesday.
According to the analysis, written by Can Sezer, Ankara could meet more than half of its gas demand by 2028 through expanded production and LNG imports, sharply reducing the need for pipeline supplies from Iran and Russia.
US President Donald Trump has urged NATO ally Turkey to scale back energy ties with both countries, and the shift aligns with Washington’s push to isolate Moscow and Tehran from global energy markets.
Iran currently supplies Turkey with around 10 billion cubic meters (bcm) of gas annually under a contract due to expire in mid-2026.
The analysis said Ankara is unlikely to renew it under the same terms as it seeks greater flexibility and diversification.
The move comes as Turkey’s energy ministry boosts domestic gas output and signs multibillion-dollar deals to import LNG from the United States and Algeria.
Reuters calculations suggest Turkey’s domestic production and contracted LNG imports will exceed 26 bcm a year by 2028 -- compared with 15 bcm in 2025 -- enough to cover more than half of its estimated 53 bcm annual gas demand.
The remaining import gap of 26 bcm would be far below the 41 bcm currently contracted from Russia, Iran, and Azerbaijan combined.
Iran, already facing renewed UN and Western sanctions over its nuclear program and military activities, could see one of its most reliable export markets eroded as Turkey repositions itself as a regional gas hub, according to Sezer.
Ankara has also expanded its re-export capacity, recently signing supply deals with Hungary and Romania through its state-owned energy company BOTAS.
While Turkey has maintained that it will continue sourcing gas from all available suppliers, including Iran and Russia, its long-term strategy increasingly favors flexible LNG purchases over fixed pipeline contracts.
The ruling to confiscate the National Iranian Oil Company’s last European headquarters is yet another sign of the country’s shrinking global footprint and deepening isolation.
NIOC House, located on Victoria Street in central London overlooking Parliament and Westminster Abbey, was Iran’s last base in the Western hemisphere for managing oil contracts and sales. Brutalist in style, the 1975 building is valued at around £100 million ($125 million).
Iran lost its Rotterdam office in 2022, and Crescent may now seek additional Iranian assets in the UK or elsewhere, including frozen funds, though international sanctions could complicate enforcement.
NIOC still has the option to appeal to the UK Supreme Court—a process that could take up to two years.
The Calamitous Crescent
The Monday ruling upholds a 2021 decision ordering NIOC to pay damages, lost profits, interest, and legal costs, with interest continuing to accrue. A 2014 judgment had already confirmed that Iran breached a 2001 gas-supply contract with Crescent.
The 25-year Gas Sales and Purchase Contract (GSPC), signed under President Mohammad Khatami, envisioned Crescent processing up to 500 million cubic feet per day from Iran’s offshore Salman field and reselling it near the UAE border.
By 2005, however, NIOC halted deliveries, citing technical delays, and later accused Crescent executives of corruption before unilaterally terminating the contract. In subsequent proceedings, Iran failed to substantiate its claims.
Crescent began arbitration in 2009 under the International Chamber of Commerce. The ICC issued its first award in 2014 confirming Iran’s breach, and a final award in 2021 ordering NIOC to pay $2.4 billion. English courts later dismissed NIOC’s challenges.
In 2024, a UK court ordered the seizure of NIOC House, describing NIOC’s attempt to transfer ownership to the Oil Industry Pension and Welfare Fund as a “sham” maneuver to evade creditors.
Experts estimate the total cost to Iran — including legal fees and lost revenue from flared gas—at more than $7.25 billion.
Timeline
2005—NIOC halts gas deliveries, terminates contract
2009—Crescent files ICC arbitration
2014—ICC rules Iran breached contract
2021—Final award: $2.4 billion
2022—Dutch court seizes NIOC Rotterdam office
2023—UK High Court dismisses NIOC challenge
2024—UK orders seizure of NIOC House
2025 Sep 30—High Court enforces full award
2025 Oct 6—Court of Appeal rejects NIOC appeal
Reactions in Tehran
Iran’s state media framed the court ruling as “political interference,” linking it to sanctions despite the dispute predating them.
Former lawmaker Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh urged authorities to identify those responsible and “arrest those who make a fortune by exploiting their power and the nation’s assets.”
Political commentator Ahmad Zeidabadi lamented: “It is a shame that after 23 years, the people of Iran still do not know what happened, why the contract was terminated, and why the country must now pay such a steep price.”
For over two decades, hardliners and moderates have accused each other of wrongdoing and undermining the national interest over the Crescent deal.
But Crescent is not an exception in the Islamic Republic of Iran; it is the norm. And so would be the potential loss of NIOC House.
When Iran purchased the London building in 1975, it symbolized the country’s expanding reach in the global oil market. Today, Iran’s oil is traded through ghost fleets, and revenues flow through opaque networks tied to regime insiders.
NIOC House now stands as an emblem of Iran’s stunted growth and deepening isolation—the last remnant of an ambitious past, and a window into a despondent future.