Khamenei ‘rat’ taunt spills from social media onto Iran’s campuses

In early January, shortly after protests that began over economic grievances spread nationwide, authorities moved classes online in what officials described as a seasonal measure but which students widely viewed as an effort to preempt campus mobilization.

Now, with in-person classes resumed, memorial gatherings for those killed in January’s violent crackdown have evolved into open defiance on campuses in Tehran, Mashhad and Isfahan. Some have escalated into stand-offs between protesting students and pro-establishment groups.

In a notable shift, recent rallies have included chants naming Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of Iran’s last monarch, as “the leader of Iran’s revolution,” and calling for the restoration of monarchy nearly five decades after the 1979 revolution.

On Monday, students at the University of Tehran organized a ceremony for Mohammad Reza Mohammadi Ali, a master’s student in theology. A group known as United Students reported that the Basij student organization sought to appropriate the event, claiming the deceased had supported the government.

Opposing students responded with chants including “This flower has fallen, a gift to the homeland,” “Woman, Life, Freedom,” and “By the blood of our comrades, we stand to the end.”

At Sharif University of Technology, a silent candlelight vigil turned confrontational after university cultural officials broadcast Quran recitations and music over loudspeakers. Students holding photos of the dead protested what they described as an attempt to drown out the gathering.

Videos circulating online show rival groups facing off. Pro-government students chanted support for Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and slogans such as “Allahu Akbar” and “Death to America,” while calling for the expulsion of those they labeled “rioters.”

Opposition chants targeted the Islamic Republic, Khamenei, and institutions such as the Basij and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Symbols have become vivid markers of division. Pro-government students carried the flag of the Islamic Republic and burned U.S. and Israeli flags during demonstrations. Opposition students, by contrast, covertly brought in the pre-revolutionary lion-and-sun flag — replaced after 1979 — and raised it during gatherings this week. On Monday, students at three Tehran universities also set fire to the Islamic Republic flag.

Students at two Tehran universities and one in Isfahan have also called for the restoration of their pre-1979 names, which referenced members of the Pahlavi royal family before being changed after the revolution.

University security offices — and, according to student accounts, plainclothes forces believed to be operating from outside campuses — have been present during several confrontations, at times appearing to side with pro-establishment students.

Students report identification cards being photographed and participants filmed, actions widely interpreted as intimidation. Some universities have allegedly sent text messages barring certain students from campus and warning of possible disciplinary proceedings.

The renewed campus unrest places Iran’s leadership in a delicate position. A forceful intervention risks inflaming tensions and pushing protests beyond university gates. Yet allowing sustained mobilization at institutions long regarded as incubators of political activism could embolden broader opposition.

That dilemma is complicated by a longstanding legal safeguard.

A 2000 law prohibits military, police and security forces from entering university campuses to conduct operations, make arrests or use weapons without formal authorization. The measure was enacted after the July 1999 unrest, when vigilantes and plainclothes security forces stormed dormitories at the University of Tehran, triggering nearly a week of nationwide turmoil.

Despite the law, human rights groups and media outlets have documented repeated instances over the years in which security forces entered campuses without authorization, including during recent protests.

“Hello. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) can hear your voice and wants to help you. Below is the necessary guidance on how to securely contact us virtually,” the post said, accompanied by a short video outlining encrypted communication methods.

The message marks the CIA’s most explicit Persian-language public outreach effort, similar to prior calls by Israel’s Mossad but rare for the US agency.

The move appears aimed at gathering intelligence on Iran’s nuclear and military programs, as well as domestic dissent, while providing support to potential informants.

In recent years, several intelligence services - especially the CIA, and to a lesser extent MI6 and Mossad - have normalized open, platform-based messaging that resembles advertising but is intended for secure outreach to potential sources.

In 2025, the head of MI6 used X to unveil “Silent Courier,” a Tor-only dark-web portal for people in hostile or high-risk states - particularly Russia - to contact the agency securely.

In October 2024, the CIA published text and infographic instructions in Mandarin, Korean, and Farsi on how to securely contact the agency through its public and dark‑web (onion) sites.

Arezoo Abedi, a mountaineer and fitness coach, was shot on Baghe Daryacheh Street on January 8 while her children were with her, sources said.

Bystanders helped her children transport her to Saadi Hospital, but the facility declined to admit her, according to her family. They then headed toward Alzahra Hospital.

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On the way, members of the Basij and other security forces stopped the vehicle and fired warning shots in an attempt to force the passengers out, sources said.

The family was eventually allowed to proceed, but Abedi died before reaching the hospital. Her body was transferred to Alzahra’s morgue.

Her family said authorities released the body after three days on the condition that no public funeral be held. She was buried at night under security presence at Bagh-e Rezvan cemetery beside her father’s grave.

The official forensic report listed the cause of death as “cardiac arrest.”

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On Monday morning, the Foreign Ministry spokesman said foreign reporters visiting the country had described life as “normal.” Yet the indicators and daily experience suggest anything but.

That same day, Iranian media quoted bakers and grocers saying that wealthier customers now leave deposits so poorer families can take bread or meat without paying upfront.

Even newspapers aligned with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei have begun issuing warnings.

Khorassan cautioned about the political consequences of rising bread prices. Days earlier, Kayhan warned that bread riots were likely if the government proceeds with plans to raise prices for a fourth time since President Massoud Pezeshkian took office in mid-2024.

Tabnak, the news site run by former IRGC commander Mohsen Rezaei, reported that a family of two or three now needs about twice the government’s worst-case estimate from last year to cover food costs.

Overall inflation is above 60 percent and expected to approach 70 percent this month. Donya-ye Eqtesad warned that food inflation could soon reach triple-digit levels. The Statistical Center of Iran reports inflation for agricultural goods above 85 percent and services above 45 percent.

Across the media spectrum, analysts point to three converging pressures: soaring food prices, wages that lag behind living costs and persistent instability in financial markets.

Specialized economic outlets report continued volatility in the foreign-exchange market. The dollar has fluctuated between 1,630,000 and 1,650,000 rials in recent days, with traders describing “high-tension anticipation” tied to uncertainty over negotiations with the United States and broader political risks.

Gold prices have surged alongside the currency, placing what has long been a traditional hedge against instability beyond the reach of most households.

The stock market has added to public unease. Shargh reported sharp index declines and heavy retail capital flight on Monday, with roughly 110 trillion rials ($680 million) exiting the market in 24 hours.

Analysts cite eroding confidence in government support policies and fears that regional tensions could spill into the domestic economy. Even those with no investments feel the consequences, as market instability feeds broader uncertainty.

Ramadan, traditionally marked by nightly gatherings and shared meals, has taken on a subdued tone. Many families can no longer afford customary foods, let alone host guests.

State television and pro-government social-media accounts now openly discuss the possibility of war. Online documentaries show Tehran’s pre–New Year shopping districts open but nearly empty. Instead of browsing, residents exchange advice on stockpiling food, fuel and clothing — precautions in case the capital comes under attack.

If this is normal, it is a fragile and increasingly costly version of it.

The mood appears to shift with perceived signals from Washington, where President Donald Trump this week hinted at a deadline for Tehran while repeatedly floating military options if a deal is not reached.

Asked on Friday whether a limited strike on Iran was under consideration, Trump replied: “I guess I can say I am considering that.”

The prospect of conflict has triggered widespread discussion online, where users express a mix of dread, anger, and resignation. While many fear the destruction war could bring, others describe it as an inevitable outcome of escalating tensions.

“Many of us are certainly worried about war,” one user from Iran wrote on X, “but we are more terrified of continuing to live alongside these killers who have no limits.”

“No war means the Islamic Republic stays,” another user wrote. “The choice is yours.”

Casualties—of war and protest

The killing of protesters during nationwide unrest in January, along with the wave of arrests that followed and worsening economic hardship, has left some Iranians deeply pessimistic about the country’s future under continued Islamic Republic rule.

One user arguing against those opposed to a US strike compared casualties from Iran’s recent war with Israel to deaths during domestic unrest.

“12 days at war with Israel—how many did we lose? About a thousand and something,” the user wrote. “On January 18 and 19 how many were killed? Tens of thousands; in two days! Now do you think there’s a less costly way than war to get rid of the monster?”

Skepticism about diplomacy appears widespread.

An online poll conducted by the conservative website Asr-e Iran found that nearly 80 percent of more than 27,000 respondents did not expect negotiations to produce an agreement. In another poll on the same site, more than 70 percent said they believed the United States was using talks primarily to prepare military forces in the region.

Online polls in Iran are informal and not scientifically representative, but they offer a snapshot of sentiment among politically engaged internet users.

“Friends who oppose war, why are you condemning the people?” one X user wrote. “Beg Khamenei to stop the war. The people didn’t bring the country to this point.”

‘Packing bags’

Alongside emotional reactions, some Iranians are taking practical steps in anticipation of possible conflict, sharing advice on storing food, securing essential supplies, and identifying safer areas outside major cities.

Similar patterns emerged during the brief but intense war with Israel last June, when many residents of Tehran left for northern provinces or smaller towns. Long lines formed at gas stations in the early days of that conflict, and parts of the capital were temporarily emptied.

Many also express concern over what they see as a lack of preparation by authorities, noting the absence of public shelters or clear guidance for civilians.

“The government’s reaction to war is indifference and irresponsibility,” one user wrote. “After packing a bag, what do we do? Where are we supposed to go?”

For many Iranians, the uncertainty itself has become a source of anxiety, as the threat of war—once abstract—now feels increasingly real.