A Tehran Revolutionary Court judge has sentenced political prisoner Mehdi Nazer and his fiancée, Mahnaz Chardouli, to death and also 10 years in prison, according to information received by Iran International.
Judge Abolghasem Salavati, head of Branch 15 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court, also sentenced Nazer’s sister, Atefeh Nazer, to 10 years in prison.
The three political prisoners were arrested in Tehran on January 11, 2026.
The charges include attacking a mosque with Molotov cocktails, taking part in illegal gatherings, “assembly and collusion,” and alleged offenses under Iran’s espionage law, including cooperation with Israel.
Information shared with Iran International indicates that the charges of attending protests and attacking a mosque were brought despite there being no published reports of any protest or mosque attack on the date of their arrest.
A source familiar with their case said Salavati sentenced each of the three to 10 years in prison on the charge of “assembly and collusion,” even though the legal punishment for that charge is two to five years in prison.
The families of the prisoners have been under heavy pressure from security agencies not to publicize the case, according to the information received.
During the legal proceedings, the three were represented by a court-appointed lawyer, Younes Karimi.
A source familiar with the case said Karimi had received money from the families but effectively followed Salavati’s demands during the proceedings.
Lawyer Hojjat Kermani said Kashani's sister, Sima Kashani, was also arrested. He said it was not immediately clear which security agency had detained the three, according to the Emtedad news website.
Kermani said the arrests, ahead of a long public holiday and the closure of judicial offices, had increased concern among their families.
Jokar and Kashani were among a group of environmental activists arrested in 2018 by the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence organization. They were later convicted on espionage charges after a case that drew criticism from human rights groups and UN experts over the arrests, interrogations and trial.
Jokar was sentenced to eight years in prison and Kashani to six years. The other defendants were released from Tehran's Evin prison at different times, with the last of them freed in April 2024.
One of the defendants, Iranian-Canadian conservationist Kavous Seyed-Emami, died in custody about a month after his arrest in 2018. Iranian judicial officials said he had killed himself, a conclusion rejected by his family.
The latest arrests come amid reports by rights groups of a new wave of detentions of civil, political and labor activists across Iran following recent unrest and the war with Israel and the United States.
Iranian officials have announced a series of funeral and burial ceremonies scheduled for early July, months after Khamenei's death. The delay has become the subject of widespread discussion and satire on social media, where users have questioned the circumstances surrounding the burial and speculated about the condition of his remains.
One audience told Iran International: "A funeral for an empty coffin shows how frightened the remaining authorities are. They know they no longer have public support."
The Islamic Republic's second supreme leader was killed on the morning of February 28, in the opening hours of the war with Israel and the United States.
Others questioned the absence of Mojtaba Khamenei, who has been identified by Iranian authorities as the country's third supreme leader. Since his appointment, no public appearance, audio message or video statement has been released, with only written messages issued in his name.
Several also referred to earlier remarks by pro-government eulogist Mansour Arzi, who said during a gathering of supporters that "it will later be revealed what remained of our leader's body," adding to public speculation surrounding the burial.
‘Little significance’
Many messages also responded to comments by First Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref, who described Khamenei's funeral on Sunday as "the most important event of the 21st century."
One dismissed the characterization, saying the burial held little significance even inside Iran, let alone internationally.
Another wrote that the delayed burial of "one of the century's biggest dictators" would instead be remembered as "one of the happiest events" for many Iranians.
Organized attendance
Many readers said that state institutions were preparing to boost attendance through administrative measures rather than voluntary participation.
A principal at a Tehran high school told Iran International that schools had received instructions two weeks earlier to prepare to accommodate visitors arriving from other cities and neighboring countries for the ceremonies.
"Our school lacks even basic facilities such as prayer hall carpets and air conditioning, yet we have been ordered to prepare for guests," the principal said.
Iran International also received messages saying that employees at state institutions, including municipal offices and the mobile operator Hamrah-e Aval, had been informed that leave and remote work would be suspended during the funeral period.
Several citizens said such measures suggested authorities expected limited spontaneous attendance and were relying on public-sector workers and organized transportation to increase turnout.
Others asaid that buses had been dispatched to rural areas with offers of free transport, meals and local incentives to encourage participation, describing the effort as a familiar method of increasing attendance at official gatherings.
Calls for protest
Some viewed the week-long ceremonies as an opportunity for peaceful protest.
One suggested people mark the funeral by blowing whistles, clapping or shouting from their windows during the evenings.
Others called for broader demonstrations, arguing that concentrating government supporters in one location could create an opportunity for nationwide protests.
The comments followed a call issued on Sunday by exiled Prince Reza Pahlavi's media office for Iranians abroad to take part in demonstrations between July 4 and July 9, describing the period as a "Global Week of Action for a Free Iran."
Many of the messages linked the result to the conduct of several national team players during the pro-government night-time gatherings that followed the US-Israeli attack and killing of Ali Khamenei, singling out defender Ramin Rezaeian more frequently than any other player.
Rezaeian was slammed for his pro-regime stance in face of the massacre of over 36000 protesters during January protests.
"You were eliminated a long time ago, the moment you turned your backs on those who lost their lives," one viewer wrote to Rezaeian.
Many said the team's relationship with the public had broken down weeks earlier when some players attended pro-government gatherings and voiced support for the Islamic Republic after the crackdown on protesters. They argued that the loss of public backing ultimately affected the team's fortunes on the pitch.
Others described the defeat as karma or the result of the grief of families seeking justice for relatives killed during the protests. Several wrote that the team no longer enjoyed the goodwill and support that had accompanied previous World Cup campaigns.
Some messages contrasted the current squad with former national team goalkeeper Mohammad Rashid Mazaheri, whom they described as having stood with anti-government protesters. Mazaheri was detained after publicly supporting protesters and has since disappeared from public view, according to people familiar with his case.
Public support
Several citizens said the national team no longer represented the wider public, pointing to the absence of the large public gatherings and celebrations that had accompanied previous tournaments.
"This is not a national team that represents the people. We are happier to see it lose," one person wrote.
Others referred to a disallowed goal by Shoja Khalilzadeh, linking it to his previous remarks about dedicating goals to Iran's Supreme Leader. Some also pointed to Rezaeian's tears after the elimination, arguing the outcome reflected the political choices made by some members of the squad.
A common thread across the messages was the view that sporting success and public trust cannot be separated, and that distancing themselves from large sections of Iranian society ultimately carried consequences beyond football.
