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SPECIAL REPORT

Investigation traces January protest deaths to Gharazi Hospital in Isfahan

Farnoosh Faraji
Farnoosh Faraji

Iran International

Jun 26, 2026, 11:18 GMT+1
Silhouetted protesters flash victory signs in front of burning barricades during anti-government demonstrations in Iran in January 2026.
Silhouetted protesters flash victory signs in front of burning barricades during anti-government demonstrations in Iran in January 2026.

Iran International has launched a new phase of its campaign documenting the January massacre, focusing on Gharazi Hospital in Isfahan, where documents and witness accounts show the facility became a destination for many of those killed or wounded during the January 8-10 protests.

The investigation draws in part on a list of people recorded at Gharazi Hospital during the crackdown. Documents reviewed by Iran International have so far confirmed the identities of 24 people who died after being taken there.

Iran International has previously reported on several deaths connected to the hospital, including those of Iraj Kiani, Mohammadreza Saberi, Ahmadreza Mehrab Beik, Mehdi Masoumi and Mona Hosseini.

Those reports described a pattern of direct gunfire at protesters, denial of medical treatment, bodies removed without family consent, delayed release of remains, pressure on relatives and demands for large payments before bodies were handed over.

Hospital under security control

Witnesses, relatives and medical sources described the hospital as operating under tight security control during the three-day period.

They said security personnel controlled the hospital, many bodies were removed without informing families and records relating to some of the dead and wounded disappeared from the hospital's admission system.

More than 100 injured people were brought to the hospital on the evening of January 9, according to information received by Iran International. A hospital source said the names of a number of injured and killed were removed from the electronic registration system shortly after being entered.

One medical staff member estimated that 140 bodies linked to the hospital were identified or seen during the unrest, though other sources suggested the real figure may have been considerably higher.

Morgue accounts

Medical sources and eyewitnesses said the hospital morgue reached capacity on the nights of January 8 and 9, with bodies stacked on top of one another. Several sources also said that some wounded people were transferred there alongside those already dead.

One member of the medical staff told Iran International that groaning could be heard from inside one of the body bags after it reached the morgue, suggesting that at least one person was still alive. Security personnel, the source said, prevented staff from approaching the individual.

Witnesses also described bodies being moved to external storage facilities after the morgue became full.

Families told Iran International that some bodies were withheld for several days before being released under heavy security restrictions, with payments of between five billion and 10 billion rials, roughly $3,500 to $7,000 at the time, reportedly demanded before remains were returned.

The reports contrast with an announcement by Iran's Legal Medicine Organization on January 12 that examinations of those injured during the protests and the release of victims' bodies would be free of charge.

Protester's final hours

Among the cases documented is that of Farid Seifi, who was shot during the protests on January 8.

Witnesses said a security officer fired from a rooftop, striking him in the heart. His family took him to Gharazi Hospital while he was still breathing, but he later died there.

People close to the family said security personnel subsequently removed his body. After several days and the payment of a substantial sum, his body were returned and buried under heavy security on January 15.

He had been married for only one year and eight months, and his wife was pregnant with triplets when he was killed.

Information from the streets of Isfahan also indicates that Gharazi Hospital became the destination for many people wounded by direct fire from security forces during the protests.

A witness said thousands of people had gathered when security forces advanced from the nearby streets on January 9. Officers first used tear gas and long-range fire before moving closer and opening direct fire on the crowd, according to the witness.

Several people fell after a burst of gunfire, forcing protesters to flee through side streets, the witness said.

One protester was struck by three bullets. "People tried to call emergency services, but the lines were busy," the witness said. "Eventually, several people stopped a car and asked the driver to take the protester's body to the hospital."

Wounded teenager says hospital opened judicial case

In a separate account, an 18-year-old identified as Mehdi said he was shot with live ammunition from about 10 meters away during protests in Isfahan on January 8, with the bullet striking above his knee.

He said protesters first took him to a nearby house, where they stemmed the bleeding. "As the number of wounded increased and space ran out, some protesters were treated in residential parking garages," he said.

Because of heavy blood loss, Mehdi later sought treatment at Gharazi Hospital, where he said staff opened a judicial case for him. Security agents visited his home several times after his hospital visit, he added.

Accounts received by Iran International show that fear of arrest, torture or being killed at hospitals led many wounded protesters to avoid medical centers altogether or leave shortly after arriving. Some instead received treatment in homes and parking garages with the help of local residents and medical staff.

The pattern has also meant that the true number of people wounded and killed was never fully recorded in official systems or, in some cases, disappeared after initial registration.

Iran International's campaign into the small town of Mamasani killings in Fars province has previously documented similar accounts of wounded protesters receiving treatment at home because they feared arrest at hospitals.

The campaign to establish the facts surrounding the January protest crackdown continues by collecting, examining and verifying accounts from witnesses, victims' families, medical staff and local sources.

Testimony reviewed by Iran International has made Gharazi Hospital one of the central locations in the investigation. Multiple sources described it not only as a hospital where wounded protesters were denied treatment, but also as a site where bodies were used to intimidate families, extract payments, conceal evidence and erase traces of the killings.

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Global index says torture is embedded in Iran’s laws, courts and prisons

Jun 26, 2026, 03:37 GMT+1
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Students hold up blood-red handprint paintings as an act of protest at a girls’ school in Iran.

Iran was listed among the world’s highest-risk countries for torture, impunity and state violence in the 2026 Global Torture Index, released Thursday by the World Organization Against Torture (OMCT) and partner groups.

The index, produced for Iran in collaboration with Impact Iran, said torture remained deeply embedded in the country’s law, policy and practice, and warned that US and Israeli strikes on Iran during the June 2025 military escalation had further increased the risk of torture, ill-treatment and arbitrary detention.

The report said Iran scored at the most severe level on six of the index’s seven pillars: political commitment, police and institutional violence, impunity, victims’ rights, the right to defend human rights, and protection for all. It rated Iran as high-risk on conditions in detention.

It said Iran had not ratified the UN Convention against Torture, did not criminalize torture as a distinct offense, and continued to allow punishments such as flogging and amputation.

The report also cited the use of confessions in convictions, saying this created incentives for torture and ill-treatment to extract statements, including confessions later broadcast by state media.

It said at least 1,639 executions were recorded in Iran in 2025, including executions of people who were under 18 at the time of their alleged offenses.

The index also pointed to what it called near-total impunity, saying no independent body investigates torture allegations or deaths in custody, while overcrowded detention facilities operate with little or no outside oversight.

Women and girls, ethnic minorities, LGBTQIA+ people, human rights defenders, journalists and lawyers face heightened risks of torture, arbitrary detention and other abuse, the report said.

“In Iran, torture is not a failure of the system – it is the system: written into law, rewarded by the courts, and concealed behind prison walls,” said Rose Richter, Impact Iran’s executive director.

Richter said security forces fired on civilians even inside hospitals during the crackdown of December 2025 and January 2026, when more than 50,000 people were arrested and more than 7,000 killed.

Other rights groups and monitoring organizations have previously reported higher figures for the crackdown, pointing out the difficulty of verifying casualties and arrests amid restrictions on access, intimidation of families and limited independent reporting inside Iran.

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“Behind each of those numbers is a person whose suffering was deliberate, and a family still waiting for the truth,” Richter said.

Gerald Staberock, secretary general of OMCT, said the index was intended to turn “scattered warnings into evidence that cannot be ignored.”

“The Global Torture Index should be read by development agencies, but also by security actors and businesses seeking to engage or invest in the countries covered,” Staberock said.

OMCT urged Iran to halt executions and judicial corporal punishment, ratify the UN Convention against Torture, criminalize torture, end the use of coerced confessions and give the UN Fact-Finding Mission unhindered access.

FIFA lets fans take rainbow flags to Iran-Egypt match, but bars Lion and Sun

Jun 25, 2026, 18:00 GMT+1
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The rainbow flag (left) and Iran's pre-revolutionary Lion and Sun flag

FIFA said fans will be allowed to bring rainbow flags to Egypt’s World Cup group match against Iran in Seattle on Friday, while barring Iran’s pre-revolutionary “Lion and Sun” flag from World Cup venues on the grounds that political symbols are prohibited.

The game coincides with Seattle’s Pride weekend after December’s draw placed the two Muslim-majority nations in the same fixture. Egypt and Iran had objected, saying such events clashed with cultural and religious values.

Both countries impose severe ​penalties on LGBTQ+ people.

Under Iran’s Islamic Penal Code consensual same-sex sexual conduct is criminalized and punished by penalties ranging from flogging to the death penalty.

A spokesperson for Iran's football federation told The Athletic that the Iranian federation has relayed to FIFA that it does not wish to see symbols or representations of the “movement” within the stadium, referring to the LGBTQ+ community.

FIFA, however, told the outlet it considers this World Cup to be an “inclusive event” and added that “rainbow flags and other flags representing sexual orientation and gender identity are permitted under the FIFA World Cup 2026 Stadium Code of Conduct.”

FIFA said Seattle’s Pride events are locally organized and not an official “Pride Match.”

The decision contrasts with FIFA’s ban on Iran’s pre-revolutionary “Lion and Sun” flag at World Cup venues, with the governing body saying its rules prohibit political symbols.

Earlier this month, a Los Angeles judge upheld FIFA's ban on the pre-revolutionary Iranian flag following an emergency hearing held hours before Iran's opening match against New Zealand.

The lawsuit, filed by the Institute for Voice of Liberty and Sam Kermanian, an Iran fan intending to go to the game, challenged FIFA's prohibition on the lion-and-sun flag associated with Iran's pre-1979 monarchy.

Los Angeles County Superior Court Judge Curtis A. Kin denied the request to block the ban.

"Free speech is incredibly important, it is sacred, a bedrock of our society, but it is not without limitation, such as private actor, on private property, and as shown by previous cases, regulating in reasonable way. I deny the application," Kin said, according to The Athletic.

The report said that FIFA has deemed the flag political in nature under its stadium code of conduct, which prohibits political, offensive or discriminatory materials at World Cup venues.

Power, water outages disrupt daily life across Iran

Jun 25, 2026, 13:40 GMT+1
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File photo shows residents queue with containers to collect water from a public distribution point in the central Iranian city of Yazd amid water cuts.

Daily electricity and water outages disrupted life across Iran as summer began, with residents blaming years of underinvestment and deteriorating infrastructure despite officials citing rising demand and shrinking water supplies.

Messages sent to Iran International from residents in Khuzestan, Ilam, Lorestan, East Azarbaijan, Alborz, Tehran and other provinces described hours-long daily power cuts and recurring water shortages that began with the onset of summer.

The reports come as much of Iran experiences extreme heat, placing additional strain on the country's aging electricity and water networks.

A resident of Khuzestan, one of Iran's main electricity-producing provinces, said scheduled power cuts had resumed despite the province generating far more electricity than it consumes.

"On the first day of summer, with temperatures above 50 degrees Celsius, they started cutting electricity again in a province that produces twice its own needs."

Residents in Ilam province also reported electricity outages lasting up to four hours as temperatures reached 46 degrees Celsius. One warned that if the blackouts continue, authorities would face "angry and protesting people."

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In Pardis, east of Tehran, a resident of a 14-story apartment building said electricity was cut for four hours during the day, leaving elevators out of service.

"How are we supposed to climb all these stairs?"

Others said the loss of elevator access posed particular difficulties for elderly residents and families with young children.

Water shortages deepen disruption

Citizens also reported prolonged water outages, which they said often coincided with electricity cuts because pumping stations stopped operating.

Mehdi Masaeli, secretary of Iran's Electricity Industry Syndicate, said last year that water supplies are interrupted when electricity fails because pumps stop working.

Residents in Boumehen near Tehran said they had access to running water on only two days during the previous week, and then only for a few hours.

"We have a sick person at home. We no longer know who to turn to."

People from Shahriar and Qods, west of Tehran, also described prolonged water cuts, with some saying supplies were unavailable from mid-afternoon until early the following morning. Several said repeated calls to the local water utility produced only tracking numbers and recorded messages.

"Water is a basic necessity, not a luxury service."

Officials have cited falling reservoir levels, declining rainfall and rising consumption as the main causes of the shortages. Many people, however, said authorities were blaming consumers instead of addressing years of underinvestment and poor management.

File photo shows residents lining up with containers to collect water from a tanker truck during water shortages in Iran.
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File photo shows residents lining up with containers to collect water from a tanker truck during water shortages in Iran.

One message from Ilam province said the city of Shabab had gone without running water for three consecutive days.

Some also compared the shortages with recent warnings about attacks on infrastructure.

"There was no need for anyone to attack the energy infrastructure," one citizen wrote. "Government inefficiency has taken our water away and pushed us back to the Stone Age. We carry water home in containers."

Higher bills, aging infrastructure

People also complained that utility bills had increased even as services deteriorated.

A resident in Zanjan said electricity and water tariffs had quietly risen just as power cuts resumed. In Ahvaz, people reported sharply higher water bills, with one saying many families could no longer afford to pay them and that local authorities were unwilling to offer installment plans.

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Energy experts have long warned that Iran's electricity and water systems suffer from years of inadequate investment in power generation, transmission networks and water infrastructure.

They say authorities have repeatedly relied on rotating blackouts and water restrictions to manage seasonal shortages rather than addressing the underlying causes, leaving households increasingly vulnerable during periods of extreme heat.

Unveiled in wartime, targeted in peacetime?

Jun 25, 2026, 09:53 GMT+1
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Unveiled in wartime, targeted in peacetime?
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Unveiled woman at a pro-government wartime rally, March 2026

Many Iranians fear that a diplomatic opening with the United States could come at the cost of renewed social restrictions at home, as reports of stricter hijab enforcement begin circulating following the recent war.

Over recent days, social media users have voiced concern that a period of relative tolerance toward personal freedoms may be coming to an end.

With the immediate external crisis easing and further negotiations with Washington expected, many fear authorities could once again shift their focus to domestic social controls.

There has been no official announcement confirming the return of the morality police. But reports circulating online suggest increased scrutiny of hijab compliance in several cities, particularly the religious centers of Qom and Mashhad, although many of the incidents remain difficult to independently verify.

One widely shared video, which users say was filmed in the holy city of Qom, appears to show male and female officers attempting to persuade a young woman to enter a white van resembling those previously used by the so-called morality police.

In a separate video reportedly filmed in Mashhad, a police officer is seen confronting a young woman riding as a passenger on a motorcycle, telling her to buy a headscarf from a nearby shop before continuing her journey.

Another video from Tehran shows an argument between a young woman and several men. One tells her she has no right to appear without a head covering because it is against the law, while others threaten to call the police.

Optional, or is it?

Social media users have also reported visits by the Public Venues Supervision Office, the police body responsible for monitoring businesses, to inspect compliance with hijab regulations in companies, cafés and restaurants.

"They say hijab has become optional," one user wrote. "It's true that the way we dress has completely changed, both in the street and at work. But during these days of negotiations officials came to inspect our workplace over hijab.

"Imagine the anxiety in a company where most employees are women without hijab, fearing the business could be sealed because of them."

The legal rights group Dadban said reports from different parts of Iran suggested security, law enforcement and judicial institutions had once again increased their focus on domestic social control.

"Measures taken in recent weeks, from intensified street enforcement to growing pressure on citizens, point to the return of this approach," the group said.

"It appears that, following the reduction of external tensions, the responsible institutions have once again prioritized internal control and restricting individual and social freedoms."

Wartime tolerance, post-war uncertainty

During the war, state media and some officials openly welcomed the participation of unveiled women in pro-government gatherings. Images of women without head coverings were broadcast on state television, breaking with longstanding editorial practice.

At one gathering, organizers even projected a performance by a Lebanese female singer onto a large screen, challenging the state's longstanding ban on solo female singing.

Those departures from established norms unsettled many hardline supporters of the Islamic Republic. Now, with a memorandum signed with the United States and the prospect of further negotiations ahead, some Iranians fear authorities could seek to reassure conservative constituencies by tightening social controls once again.

Others worry that radical groups could feel emboldened to intervene directly under the principle of "enjoining good and forbidding wrong," a religious doctrine frequently invoked to justify policing perceived moral violations.

"After an agreement, what can their street forces do?" one social media user wrote. "Will they once again be unleashed on the public over hijab and other issues? A confrontation between society and the state lies ahead."

Another predicted authorities would intensify hijab enforcement and close cafés to appease conservatives opposed to rapprochement with Washington.

Political scientist Morteza Nemati urged caution over reports of the morality police's return but highlighted what he saw as an irony.

"I don't know how accurate the reports about relaunching the morality police are," he wrote on X. "But if you do bring them back, please be careful not to accidentally arrest the same unveiled women whose images you were showing at the nighttime rallies."

IRGC personnel sheltered in Shiraz lodging complex were target of deadly strike

Jun 24, 2026, 21:14 GMT+1
•
Shahed Alavi
IRGC personnel sheltered in Shiraz lodging complex were target of deadly strike
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Aftermath of the March 2026 strike on the Zibashahr complex in Shiraz

IRGC personnel sheltering in a civilian lodging complex in Shiraz were the likely target of a strike that also killed nine civilians at a neighboring emergency center in the early days of the 2026 war, an Iran International investigation found.

The March 5 strike hit several buildings inside the Zibashahr emergency lodging complex, where members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and affiliated forces had taken shelter during the war, according to images from the site, open-source data, Iranian media reports, witness accounts and an expert assessment reviewed by Iran International.

The evidence suggests the strike was not a simple miss aimed at a nearby IRGC facility, but an attack on the lodging complex itself.

The site sat inside a civilian area, beside a local ambulance station that is part of Iran’s 115 emergency medical service, as well as service buildings and residential homes.

No party has claimed responsibility for the strike.

Fars provincial authorities later said 20 people had been killed and 30 wounded. At an official memorial ceremony in Zibashahr, however, only 16 names and photographs were released: seven IRGC and Basij members and nine civilians.

The civilians included two emergency technicians, a health worker, municipal employees and contractors, and a local shopkeeper.

The strike destroyed the ambulance station, a neighboring building and a larger structure to the east that formed part of the municipal emergency lodging complex. Nearby residential buildings were also damaged.

Aftermath of the March 2026 strike on the Zibashahr complex in Shiraz
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Aftermath of the March 2026 strike on the Zibashahr complex in Shiraz

Why the lodging complex was hit

The large destroyed building inside the Zibashahr complex was not an empty passenger facility or an unidentified structure.

The Student News Agency, linked to the Student Basij, published a video report from the site after the attack and said missiles had hit “dormitory and administrative buildings” in the complex. It also reported that military personnel had been killed and wounded.

The agency said the personnel were there for “training courses for border protection.”

But public mapping services, including Google Maps and the Iranian app Neshan, identify the site as an emergency lodging complex, not a military training facility.

The entrance of the Zibashahr complex
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The entrance of the Zibashahr complex

Verified images and videos from the area also show the lodging complex sign at the entrance. Iran International found no publicly available evidence that the site had previously functioned as a military training center.

Less than 200 meters away, across the highway, sits a large IRGC Ground Forces training and military complex. Open-source mapping also links the area to the IRGC’s 19th Fajr Division and an IRGC Aerospace Force unit in Shiraz. One officer killed in the Zibashahr strike was linked to the 19th Fajr Division.

Yet post-strike imagery showed no sign that the nearby IRGC complex itself had been destroyed.

That pattern is central to the investigation. If the intended target had been the formal IRGC facility, a miss of about 200 meters across the highway would have to explain several impacts on separate buildings inside the civilian lodging complex.

Wes Bryant, a former head of a US Air Force special targeting team and former Pentagon civilian-casualty assessment official, reviewed visual evidence from the site.

He assessed that the strike involved about 1,350 kilograms of munitions, including a weapon comparable to a 900-kilogram bomb against the larger eastern building and smaller munitions, comparable to 220-kilogram bombs, against two western structures, including the ambulance station.

With modern precision-guided munitions, Bryant said, a 200-meter error across a highway would be highly unlikely, particularly in several separate impacts.

His assessment supports the conclusion drawn from the other evidence: the lodging complex itself, or specific buildings inside it, was the likely target.

Aftermath of the March 2026 strike on the Zibashahr complex in Shiraz
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Aftermath of the March 2026 strike on the Zibashahr complex in Shiraz

A target among civilians

The evidence reviewed by Iran International points to a strike on a civilian lodging complex after IRGC personnel moved into it during the war.

That may explain why the Zibashahr complex, rather than the nearby formal IRGC facility, was hit. But the same evidence also shows that the targeted buildings stood inside a civilian setting, beside an ambulance station and near residential homes.

That leaves responsibility on the Iranian side.

By moving or allowing military personnel to shelter in a civilian lodging complex, next to an emergency medical site and homes, Iranian authorities placed civilians and medical workers in the path of a foreseeable strike.

It is not necessary to prove that civilians were intentionally used as shields to establish the consequence: the risk of war was shifted from a military facility into a place used by civilians.

That responsibility does not remove the attacker’s obligations.

Even if the presence of IRGC personnel made part of the lodging complex a military target, it did not automatically strip the neighboring ambulance station, surrounding buildings or nearby homes of protection.

A medical site loses its special protection only if it is itself used for acts harmful to the enemy; Iran International found no evidence in the material reviewed that the ambulance station was used in that way.

The strike therefore leaves two central facts in tension.

IRGC personnel appear to have taken shelter among civilians, turning part of the complex into a target. But the attack also destroyed an ambulance station and killed civilians in an area whose medical and residential character was visible in public maps and imagery.

In Zibashahr, the war moved from a military complex into a lodging site, an ambulance station and people’s homes.