Iran International
A hardline cleric’s attack on unveiled women, even as Iranian state media showcased them at pro-government rallies to signal broad wartime support, has exposed tensions within the establishment over hijab enforcement.
In the northern city of Rasht, Friday prayer leader Rasoul Fallahi delivered a fiery speech during one of the nightly pro-government gatherings held since the outbreak of the recent war.
Speaking to supporters, he accused unveiled women of standing against “the system and the Quran,” calling them “immoral and immodest.” He also attacked male relatives of such women, describing their fathers, husbands and brothers as “dishonorable.”
Addressing women seen without hijab at the events and elsewhere, Fallahi warned: “Do not think these people will put up with you.” He escalated his rhetoric further by saying that if the public decided to confront them, “they would do something that would make you no longer dare to leave your homes.”
The speech, broadcast live on provincial television, quickly spread across Iran’s domestic online space and reignited debate over hijab enforcement during wartime.
The conservative-leaning outlet Fararu addressed the issue in an article titled, Why Are Unveiled Women Being Attacked?
“From the parade of ‘Self-Sacrificing Volunteer Girls’ to nightly gatherings supporting fighters, camera lenses seek out women with such appearances to show that all segments of society are present among supporters of the homeland,” the editorial read.
The apparent contradiction—highlighting unveiled women in official imagery while condemning them from the pulpit—has not gone unnoticed.
Supporters of stricter dress codes, including clerics like Fallahi, argue that hijab compliance is mandated by Iranian law. They often cite remarks by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who said several years ago that failing to observe hijab was both “religiously and politically forbidden.”
But Fallahi’s remarks have also drawn criticism from some clerics aligned with the government who argue that emphasizing such issues during wartime risks undermining national unity.
Abdolreza Pourzahabi, the Supreme Leader’s representative in Kurdistan province, cautioned against divisive rhetoric.
“We should not focus on points of division and disturb social calm, causing people already dealing with war to also have to answer for their hijab,” he said.
The debate has also fueled backlash online.
One user wrote: “So if there were no war, the law should be enforced and unveiled women would be beaten, arrested and imprisoned—but because the country is at war and needs people’s presence, it’s temporarily acceptable?”
The broader backdrop dates to September 2022, when the death of Mahsa Amini in custody triggered the nationwide “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests. Since then, authorities have largely avoided aggressive street enforcement of hijab laws for fear of reigniting unrest.
Restrictions nevertheless remain firmly in place in official settings. Women without hijab can still be denied entry to government offices, hospitals and courts, while mandatory hijab rules continue to apply in schools.
Enforcement also varies sharply across the country. In more religious cities such as Qom, stricter measures are still reported.
A user recently wrote on X that while shopping in Qom, an officer shouted at her to observe hijab. When she ignored him, she said he placed his hand on his weapon and threatened to impound her car if she could not find something to cover her head, photographing both her and her license plate.
The dispute reflects a deeper uncertainty within the Islamic Republic: whether the wartime softening around hijab is merely tactical, or a recognition that strict enforcement now carries political risks the state can no longer fully control.
