Screen grabs from the viral videos of Mohammad-Amin Ardeshir-Moghaddam (left) and Mostafa Loghmani
A series of rare viral videos by Iranian police officers describing severe financial hardship has triggered widespread reaction, with retractions by officers involved fueling allegations of pressure.
The first video, circulated widely on social media, featured a police officer in the southwestern province of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. The officer, identified as Staff Sergeant Mohammad-Amin Ardeshir-Moghaddam, serves in the provincial capital Yasuj, one of Iran’s poorest regions.
In the video, Ardeshir-Moghaddam complained about low wages across the armed forces, particularly within the Law Enforcement Command. He said many police personnel are forced to work second jobs—including driving for ride-hailing apps—to cover basic living expenses. Referring to his own situation, he said he was under such financial pressure that he was considering selling a kidney.
Less than 48 hours later, the officer released a second video, walking back his remarks, saying the video was merely “a heart-to-heart talk with General Radan,” the national police chief.
He added that he had never imagined his words would become “a pretext for misuse by certain individuals and groups” seeking to drive a wedge between the police, the public and what he described as “the loyal base of the system.”
A second officer, a sharper warning
Days later, a similar video emerged—this time from Bandar Abbas in southern Iran. In the clip, Third Lieutenant Mostafa Loghmani, a police officer, said he had just received his monthly salary of 23 million tomans (roughly $171).
With three school-aged children, rental housing and heavy commuting costs, he said he too saw no option but to consider selling a kidney.
Loghmani went further than his colleague, openly sharing his bank card number and contact details and inviting viewers to contact him to purchase the organ.
Referring to his colleague’s second video and what he suggested was an apology made under pressure or threat, Loghmani said he would not back down. “I have nothing to lose, and I will not take back what I said."
Saying many colleagues face similar hardships but remain silent out of fear of repercussions, Loghmani directly addressed Iran’s supreme leader and senior officials, warning that neglecting the living conditions of police forces would eventually exhaust their patience.
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The following day, he released another video saying that at the time of recording the first clip, he had been taking certain medications and was not in a stable mental condition, adding that he did not want his remarks to be misused online.
In a separate video circulating on social media, a police officer with an altered voice whose face is not shown alleges that retraction videos are recorded under pressure and threats to families, warning: “We are fire under the ashes.”
The pattern in these cases sends a message to the public, the moderate news website Rouydad24 wrote. "Even if officially considered coincidental, they signal that a problem exists that finds no outlet except sudden eruption on social media.”
Broader discontent within the ranks
In another circulating clip, an unidentified police colonel said that after 25 years of service, making ends meet had become impossible, and he was forced to retire early and seek other work.
Such videos are virtually unprecedented in Iran. Online, users have described the videos as signs of “attrition,” “force erosion,” and a “silent crisis” within Iran’s security institutions.
Social media users have noted that economic hardship appears to affect police personnel more acutely than members of the regular army or the Revolutionary Guards, many of whom benefit from subsidized organizational housing and other privileges.
The Telegram channel Radio Dej has published alleged pay slips and messages from police and military personnel showing extremely low incomes.
One message, attributed to an air defense officer with 17 years of service, alleges he earns 16 million tomans ($119) a month and criticized what he called “corrupt commanders beating the drums of war.”
In another message, a military spouse told Radio Dej her husband earns 18 million tomans ($134) a month after 24 years of service and that the family could no longer cope.
The Telegram channel also wrote: “Attrition within the armed forces has become so widespread that it has reached even loyalists and personnel committed to the system, showing just how deeply military members are entangled in livelihood and organizational problems.”
Iran’s handwoven carpet industry has fallen to its lowest level on record, hit by US sanctions, restrictive foreign-currency rules and regional instability that have driven exports close to collapse, the Financial Times reported on Friday.
“The costs of making a carpet are high and the profits low,” Akram Fakhri, a 45-year-old weaver in Kashan, told the FT, describing the pressures facing artisans across Iran.
Once a flagship of Iran’s non-oil exports, Persian rugs are expected to generate less than $40mn in the year to March 2026, down from $41.7mn the previous year, according to the Carpet and Handicrafts Commission of Iran’s Chamber of Commerce.
Export revenues have stayed below $100mn for six consecutive years, compared with a peak of more than $2bn three decades ago – figures that commission chair Morteza Haji Aghamiri described as “so meagre we can say it is practically zero.”
The downturn accelerated after 2018, when then US president Donald Trump withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal and imposed “maximum pressure” sanctions. As foreign reserves tightened, Iran required exporters to sell part of their foreign-currency earnings to the central bank at the official exchange rate rather than at market rates.
The rule destroyed incentives to export, Industry representatives said. “It completely paralysed the sector. None of them have any motivation to stay active in global markets,” said Abdollah Bahrami, head of the National Union of Handwoven Carpet Co-operatives.
For weavers such as Fakhri, the economics no longer work. She told the FT she must invest $250 in wool and silk and spend a year weaving a single carpet, only to hope it might sell for more than $600. Without social security or state support, she said the work has become physically exhausting. “I work with constant back and leg pain. But hiring an assistant weaver is beyond my means.”
Iranian carpets were once exported to about 80 countries, but sales are now largely limited to markets such as the UAE, Germany, Japan, the UK and Pakistan. As Iran lost ground, competitors from Turkey, India, China and Afghanistan moved in. “After the US market closed, some traders began rerouting Persian rugs to the US through third countries… hurting Iran’s craft by concealing its identity,” said Mohsen Shojaei, a carpet trader in Mashhad.
Regional tensions have compounded the decline. Shojaei said: “The disruption of regional airspace after the war with Israel, along with other political tensions, caused foreign traders to lose confidence.”
While officials have promised support, industry figures remain bleak. “The future? The future is gone. The sound of the loom in villages and towns has fallen silent,” Bahrami said.
Comments by Iran’s foreign minister describing international sanctions as having blessings have sparked a wave of criticism from economists and social media users, many accusing senior officials of being detached from the economic hardship faced by ordinary citizens.
Speaking on Thursday at a meeting with economic activists in Isfahan, Abbas Araghchi said Iran must accept the reality of sanctions and learn to live with them.
“We must accept that sanctions exist and accept that it is possible to live with sanctions,” he said. “Sanctions have their costs… I know very well what sanctions mean and what their costs are. I know their problems and I also know their blessings.”
The remarks quickly drew criticism as Iran grapples with soaring inflation, a weakening rial and sharp rises in the price of basic goods, pressures that have hit low-income households hardest.
Senior officials are insulated from the realities of sanctions, Economist Mohammad Tabibian wrote in a note. “We all know that he and other gentlemen can live well and comfortably even under far worse conditions,” Tabibian wrote.
“Please do not speak on behalf of the people. Ask the people themselves and let them describe their own situation.”
Social media backlash
Users on social media platforms, including X, also reacted angrily. One user identified as Yousef pointed to the recent surge in the dollar’s exchange rate hitting 1.36 million rials, writing: “The blessings are for rent-seekers and mafias. For the people, only poverty and hunger remain.”
Iran's FM Abbas Araghchi
Another user, Zahidi, criticized what he described as the lavish lifestyles of senior officials.
“Even if people are pushed into conditions worse than total deprivation, it is still a blessing for Mr. Araghchi and his friends,” he wrote, adding that the gap between officials and ordinary citizens has grown impossibly wide.
Others described the comments as offensive. A user named Azita called the remarks “shameful,” writing: “Do not speak on behalf of the nation. Sanctions have only brought misery. What blessing?”
‘People below the poverty line’
Further criticism focused on the contradiction between official rhetoric and lived experience. One user wrote that while people are being driven below the poverty line, “embezzlers ride in luxury limousines.” Another commented: “Sanctions for people mean medicine shortages, unemployment, poverty and constant anxiety. If sanctions are a blessing, publish the list of beneficiaries.”
Another post argued that Araghchi’s comments were impossible to accept for people “whose backs have been broken under the weight of sanctions,” adding that any benefits accrue to networks involved in evading sanctions, not to the public.
The backlash reflects broader public frustration with economic conditions after years of sanctions and policy mismanagement, as the cost of living continues to climb and the national currency loses value.
For many critics, Araghchi’s remarks underscored a widening disconnect between Iran’s political leadership and the daily struggles of its citizens.
Cafés—and the social life that has grown around them—have become the latest battleground for Iran’s hardliners, who increasingly see their control over everyday behavior slipping out of reach.
That tension was on display this week when Saeed Jalili, a leading figure of Iran’s ultra-hardline camp, attacked café culture as a Western plot designed to undermine the family.
“They define three spaces: the dormitory, the workplace, and a ‘third space,’ like a café, to escape loneliness,” Jalili said. “In this paradigm, the family loses meaning. This stands in opposition to Islam’s philosophy of marriage.”
For conservative factions that have long insisted on strict gender segregation and rigid enforcement of compulsory hijab, the spread of cafés represents more than a shift in leisure habits—it signals a loss of authority over how people socialize and occupy public space.
Even in religious strongholds
People who have recently visited Iran report a striking expansion of café culture, including in religious centers such as Qom, long seen as resistant to such social change. Analysts note that the trend reflects not only generational preferences but also economic pressure.
“At a time when many traditional forms of leisure have been eliminated due to economic hardship, cafés are the only place left that can fill the recreational void for young people,” the news website Jaryan24 wrote, describing the phenomenon as a version of the “lipstick effect.”
The spread of cafés in cities like Qom and Mashhad has been particularly alarming to ultra-hardliners.
In September, Mannan Raisi, a hardline lawmaker representing Qom, condemned the opening of a new café in the city and warned that “the people themselves” would intervene.
Videos circulating from the event showed young men and women socializing at a DJ-led gathering—images that drew outrage from conservatives in a city that hosts Iran’s most influential Shiite seminaries.
The café was shut down within a day. Shortly afterward, a member of Qom’s city council announced that the owner’s business license had been revoked and that criminal charges had been filed for allegedly promoting “moral corruption.”
That anxiety has been sharpened by what hardliners view as the authorities’ retreat from enforcing a stringent hijab law passed by parliament in 2023 but later shelved by the Supreme National Security Council for fear of public backlash.
‘Society has moved on’
Jalili’s remarks triggered a broad backlash across Iranian media and social platforms. Critics argued that his comments revealed a widening gap between hardline ideology and everyday social realities.
Seyed-Ali Pourtabatabaei, a former editor at Qom News, described café culture as “the new nightmare of Saeed Jalili and his supporters.”
“Jalili does not fear cafés because he believes the West is destroying the family,” Pourtabatabaei argued. “He fears them because cafés symbolize a society that no longer needs him or his ideology—and does not vote for it.”
Legal scholar Mohsen Borhani went further, writing that such thinking “places no value on citizens’ freedom of choice,” adding that even authoritarian systems of the past did not seek to regulate cafés.
What the debate reveals is less about coffee than about power. As traditional mechanisms of control weaken, seemingly ordinary spaces have taken on political meaning—becoming sites where the struggle over Iran’s social future is quietly, and visibly, playing out.
A network of tunnels formed by illegal underground excavations beneath Tehran’s Grand Bazaar has triggered official warnings over serious safety risks, while raising questions about their purpose and those behind the digging.
The Grand Bazaar, one of Tehran’s most important commercial and historic areas, is facing a crisis that has developed below ground rather than at street level.
Iranian media reported the discovery of excavations beneath the Azadi (Dastmalchi), Ziba and Naderi caravanserais within Tehran’s Grand Bazaar in the capital city's downtown.
Given that the buildings are physically interconnected, damage to one structure can affect the others.
Size and extent of excavations
No official measurements have been released on the length or size of the underground spaces.
Tehran-based Payam-e Ma reported that unknown excavators had dug a deep and narrow tunnel covering about 5,000 square meters beneath the Grand Bazaar, close to the historic core of central Tehran. The report did not cite a source for the figure.
The estimate was attributed elsewhere to a bazaar shopkeeper identified as Mr. Fili, who was quoted by the semi-official ISNA as saying the operation included around 5,000 underground spaces and nearly 12 exit points, making the work easier to conceal.
When did the work begin?
Mohammad Amini, mayor of Tehran’s District 12, said the illegal construction likely began in the mid-2010s and continued until the end of last year.
If accurate, the timeline raises questions about how such large-scale activity could have gone undetected by municipal and oversight bodies for years.
Some Tehran bazaar traders have disputed that assessment.
One long-time shopkeeper told Iran International that continuous police monitoring makes any nighttime activity in the bazaar without official permits effectively impossible.
Another shopkeeper said that due to oversight by municipal authorities, police and cultural heritage bodies, bringing any construction materials into the bazaar — even a single bag of cement — requires official approval.
Amini said no new violations have been reported since the issue was identified sometime between late March and mid-April this year.
It remains unclear why the municipality did not publicly address the issue earlier, despite being aware of the violations since then.
Purpose of the excavations
Officials say the main aim of the excavations was to create a new underground level, likely intended for storage or commercial use outside formal oversight.
Ali Nasiri, head of Tehran’s Crisis Management Organization, said a new level had been created within part of the building foundation without technical feasibility or structural resistance.
The Research Center of the Ministry of Roads, Housing and Urban Development, the body responsible for assessing building safety, said technical inspections showed the caravanserais had become structurally unstable.
Official reports cite damage including distorted ceilings and weakened or warped columns.
The Fire Department and the Crisis Management Organization said about 1,000 shops operate in the affected area, employing roughly 3,000 people on a permanent basis.
Authorities estimate that 5,000 to 6,000 people pass through the area daily and have warned that any incident could lead to a major human disaster.
Who is responsible?
Despite judicial orders and confirmation that violations occurred, authorities have not disclosed the identities of those responsible for the excavations.
City officials say individuals seeking to profit from the project have been identified and the case is under investigation, but no further details have been made public.
Some shopkeepers and experts continue to question how a project of this scale could have continued for months or years in one of Tehran’s busiest areas.
Iran on Thursday began pilot sales of imported super gasoline through mobile fuel trucks, offering the high-octane fuel at market prices far above the country’s newly introduced three-tier subsidized system, state media reported.
Oil Minister Mohsen Paknejad said the rollout was designed to test consumer demand and price acceptance, with initial distribution carried out by five mobile fuel vehicles in Tehran. The imports are being handled by private, non-state firms, he said.
The price of the imported super gasoline was set at 800,000 rials per liter, equivalent to about $0.59 at the current market exchange rate of 1,350,000 rials to the dollar. An additional distribution fee of 2,500 rials per liter (about $0.002) applies, according to local reports.
Paknejad said more than 17 companies had already received permits to import super gasoline, but their entry into the market would depend on the outcome of the pilot phase and consumer response to the final price.
“The price is based on the full cost,” he said, citing procurement, transport, distribution and a regulated profit margin. He added that the process was being monitored to prevent misuse.
The imported fuel is being sold outside Iran’s quota system and does not affect existing allocations, Paknejad said.
Iran recently introduced a three-tier gasoline pricing system, under which subsidized fuel remains available at much lower prices. Monthly quota gasoline is priced at 15,000 rials per liter (about $0.01), non-quota purchases with personal smart fuel cards at 30,000 rials (about $0.02), and a higher tier for non-card or excess consumption at 50,000 rials per liter (about $0.04).
The imported super gasoline price is therefore roughly 16 times higher than the highest domestic tier and more than 50 times the subsidized quota rate, showing the gap between state-controlled pricing and market-based fuel costs.
Officials have said the imported fuel is intended for drivers of high-performance and imported vehicles that require higher octane gasoline, which has been largely unavailable domestically in recent years.
The pilot follows the sale of an initial 300,000-liter cargo of imported super gasoline on Iran’s energy exchange in November at 658,000 rials per liter (about $0.49), signaling a gradual shift toward market-priced fuel for specific consumer segments.
Iran’s government has sought to curb fuel subsidies while avoiding social unrest, after a nationwide gasoline price hike in 2019 triggered widespread protests. Demand for gasoline has continued to exceed domestic production, driven by inefficient vehicles, smuggling and rising consumption, according to officials.
Paknejad said the current trial would help determine whether broader distribution of imported super gasoline is commercially viable, adding that supply could be expanded if demand proves sustainable.