US sanctions 29 vessels in expanded crackdown on Iran’s shadow oil fleet
File photo of an oil tanker believed to be involved in transporting Iranian oil to China.
The US Treasury on Thursday announced new sanctions targeting 29 vessels and multiple shipping firms accused of helping Iran evade oil sanctions, intensifying pressure on what Washington describes as Tehran’s shadow fleet.
The Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control said the newly sanctioned vessels and management companies had transported hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of Iranian petroleum through deceptive shipping practices, primarily to buyers in Asia.
“Treasury will continue to deprive the regime of the petroleum revenue it uses to fund its military and weapons programs," Treasury Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence John K. Hurley said.
The sanctioned vessels are registered under a range of flags of convenience, including those of Panama, Palau, the Cook Islands, Barbados, Jamaica and other jurisdictions commonly used by sanctions-evading shipping networks.
According to OFAC, the action brings the total number of vessels sanctioned since Trump returned to office to more than 180, a campaign the Treasury says has raised costs for Iranian oil exporters and reduced the revenue Tehran earns per barrel.
The US campaign targeting the dark fleet has intensified for months. In an October report, analytics firm Kpler said that over 60% of the vessels that have loaded Iranian crude in the last 12 months are now sanctioned by OFAC, up from 38% one year ago.
Still, according to shipping analytics firm Vortexa, Iran's shadow trade to China appears to be operating at full tilt. Export volumes stood at around 1.5-1.7 million bpd so far in 2025, it said, up slightly from last year but a full 25% from 2023.
OFAC said the sanctioned vessels carried Iranian crude oil, fuel oil, bitumen, naphtha and condensate, often operating under flags of convenience and managed by companies set up solely to own and operate individual ships.
The Treasury also designated Egyptian businessman Hatem Elsaid Farid Ibrahim Sakr, accusing his UAE-based companies of playing a key role in transporting Iranian petroleum products in coordination with entities linked to Iran’s Ministry of Defense.
OFAC said vessels associated with Sakr had conducted ship-to-ship transfers of Iranian oil and made port calls at Houthi-controlled ports in Yemen.
The sanctions against Iran's so-called shadow oil fleet could endanger the funding of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, as Iran's budget for this fiscal year had given the sprawling paramilitary body new economic power by tasking it with selling nearly 600,000 barrels of oil per day to fund military expenditures.
Iran has built a covert network to keep its aviation sector operating despite sweeping international sanctions, using front companies, smuggling routes and deceptive flight practices, according to a joint report by the Institute for National Security Studies and ColEven.
The report said Iran operates “a sophisticated, law-evading mechanism to support its aviation industry,” relying on shell and front companies in countries with limited transparency, including parts of Africa, Southeast Asia and Central Asia, to acquire aircraft and components and transfer them rapidly to avoid detection.
Aircraft are moved through layered ownership structures and “burst activity” transfers before filing flight plans that pass near Iran, allowing planes to enter Iranian airspace and make “fabricated critical malfunction” emergency landings, after which they are absorbed into Iranian fleets, the report said.
It said airlines such as Mahan Air and Qeshm Fars Air function as logistical arms of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, operating under the Quds Force to move weapons, equipment and funds to regional proxy groups, adding that the sector has shifted “from a civilian transportation tool to a core component of the regime’s economic and security strategy.”
The report said sanctions have severely degraded Iran’s civil aviation, with about 60% of passenger aircraft grounded and the average fleet age at around 28 years, forcing airlines to cannibalize planes for spare parts and rely on smuggling networks to remain operational.
It added that the aviation sector illustrates “a sophisticated integration of state, market, and underground networks that operate in regulatory gray zones and disrupt efforts to globally enforce the sanctions,” even after the UN Security Council reimposed sanctions under the snapback mechanism and the US maintained broad restrictions under laws such as IFCA, ISA and CAATSA.
A former Iranian lawmaker, citing the fate of Iran’s claims after the fall of Syria’s Bashar al-Assad, urged Tehran to move quickly to recover what he said were more than $2 billion of assets in Venezuela, as Washington escalated pressure on Caracas.
Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh said on Tuesday that Iran should urgently clarify the legal status of more than $2 billion in claims against Venezuela, warning that experience from Syria showed how quickly assets could become unrecoverable after a sudden political collapse.
Writing on X, Falahatpisheh said lessons from Syria showed the need to settle Iran’s outstanding claims with President Nicolás Maduro’s government while conditions allow.
His remarks come against a backdrop of sharply rising tensions between Washington and Caracas.
On Tuesday, US President Donald Trump ordered what he called a “total and complete blockade” of sanctioned oil tankers entering or leaving Venezuela.
The move is part of a broader US pressure campaign targeting Maduro’s main source of revenue and follows the seizure of a sanctioned tanker off Venezuela’s coast last week.
While Falahatpisheh’s warning was framed by the experience of Syria – where the scale of Damascus’s debt to Tehran only became public after the fall of Bashar al-Assad, estimated by Syrian officials at around $30 billion – his comments coincided with Trump’s latest order on Venezuelan oil shipments.
Iran and Venezuela, both under heavy international sanctions, have built extensive but opaque economic ties over the past two decades.
Public records do not clearly show how much Iran has invested in Venezuela, the exact size of Caracas’s debt to Tehran, or the value of Iranian assets in the country, according to an article by Iranian outlet Fararu last week.
Iranian lawmakers have previously flagged specific claims. In August, MP Ahmad Bigdeli said Venezuela owed about $1 billion to Iran’s national oil company, urging Iran’s oil minister to explain why the debt had not been recovered. No official update has since been provided.
Iran has launched or participated in a range of projects in Venezuela, many of which have struggled.
A large Iranian-backed supermarket in Caracas, Megasis – opened in 2020 and linked to Iran’s Etka retail chain – has faced logistical problems due to infrequent shipping and supply disruptions, according to Iranian business figures cited by Fararu.
Joint automobile production, launched in 2006 with Iran Khodro and Saipa assembling Samand and Pride models in Venezuela, was halted in 2015 after years of losses and unpaid deliveries, Iranian media have reported. The project was revived in 2023 during a visit by former president Ebrahim Raisi, though analysts again questioned its economic viability.
Iran has also announced agricultural, housing and industrial ventures, including claims in 2021 that Venezuela had allocated up to one million hectares of farmland to Iran for overseas cultivation.
Officials have not clarified whether those plans are active or how much capital was committed.
Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro marches in a rally against a possible escalation of US actions toward the country, in Caracas, Venezuela, November 25, 2025.
Oil, gold and sanctions pressure
Energy cooperation has been central to the relationship. Iran has supplied fuel, refinery services and technical assistance to Venezuela, while Western media and sanctions authorities have alleged barter arrangements involving oil and gold.
Bloomberg reported in 2020 that Venezuela transferred around nine tons of gold to Iran in exchange for fuel – a claim both governments have framed as legitimate barter.
Since US sanctions were imposed on Venezuela in 2019, much of its oil – including shipments involving Iranian or Russian-linked vessels – has relied on a so-called shadow fleet to evade restrictions.
Trump’s latest order has already pushed oil prices higher on expectations of reduced Venezuelan exports, Reuters said, though enforcement mechanisms remain unclear.
Analysts warned that a prolonged blockade could sharply cut Venezuelan output, with potential spillover effects for Iran, which has used Venezuela as a distant logistical and commercial partner to manage sanctions pressure.
In an analysis for Iran International, Shahram Kholdi wrote earlier this month that Venezuela has functioned as a strategic “distant flank” for Tehran, facilitating oil swaps, financial channels and political support beyond the Middle East.
But expanded US military deployments, legal actions and sanctions enforcement are tightening scrutiny on those networks.
Further allegations have added to the sensitivity. Spain’s ABC newspaper reported this month – citing leaked documents now under US review – that Venezuelan state mechanisms may have funneled billions of dollars toward Iranian entities over nearly two decades, including groups linked to Iran’s nuclear and military programs.
The claims, which Caracas and Tehran have not publicly addressed, remain unproven but are being examined by US authorities, according to the report.
“Projects and funds explicitly linked to Iran total about $4.69 billion, with an additional estimated $3.13 billion allegedly diverted indirectly from a China-Venezuela fund. The combined total about $7.82 billion – represents money that investigators say reached Iran's state ecosystem directly or indirectly through Venezuela,” read a report by The Latin Times.
US treasury fined crypto wallet firm Exodus Movement $3.1 million for violating Iran-related sanctions, saying it provided customer support to users in Iran and, in some cases, advised them to use VPNs to bypass restrictions on access to digital asset exchanges.
The Office of Foreign Assets Control said on Tuesday that the Omaha, Nebraska-based financial technology company agreed to the settlement to resolve potential civil liability for 254 apparent violations between October 2017 and January 2019, describing 12 of those cases as “egregious” and saying the conduct was not voluntarily self-disclosed.
Exodus offers a non-custodial digital asset wallet that allows users to store private keys and access third-party exchanges through its software, while generating revenue by collecting fees when customers transact through those exchange partners, OFAC said.
The regulator said Exodus’s customer service team responded to inquiries from users in Iran and enabled them to continue using the wallet or exchange services, even though the firm’s own terms of use prohibited use in US-embargoed jurisdictions.
OFAC said Exodus became aware in 2018 that at least one exchange partner was blocking Iran-based users to comply with US regulations, but staff nevertheless recommended VPNs that enabled some users to bypass location-based controls.
As part of the settlement, OFAC said Exodus agreed to invest $630,000 in additional sanctions compliance controls and cited broader remedial steps, including enhanced screening and staff training.
Iran has increasingly leaned on cryptocurrency rails to move money abroad as sanctions and banking restrictions complicate traditional transfers.
US Treasury actions in 2025 described “shadow” networks using overseas fronts and crypto transactions tied to Iranian oil revenue, portraying digital assets as one way to bypass chokepoints in the regulated financial system.
Iran’s domestic crypto ecosystem has also drawn attention from analysts and Western officials for potential sanctions-evasion uses, including allegations that some platforms help users access offshore liquidity or route funds beyond oversight.
A 2025 Reuters report on a major hack of Iran’s Nobitex said blockchain-analysis firms and US lawmakers have flagged the exchange as linked to sanction-bypassing activity, with researchers also pointing to past IRGC-linked use of crypto venues for cash-outs.
Binance has been cited in past reporting as being used by customers in Iran despite US sanctions, while large global exchanges face compliance and jurisdiction challenges when users route activity through workarounds or intermediaries.
A lawsuit filed in a Texas state court accuses top American chip-making companies of failing to stop their technology from being diverted into Iranian and Russian weapons used in attacks on Ukrainian civilians.
The lawsuit names Texas Instruments, AMD and Intel, accusing the companies of allowing tiny computer chips they produced to reach - what the plaintiffs refer to as - hostile countries through weak oversight of global supply chains.
The companies did not immediately respond to an Iran International request for comment.
Filed by Watts Law Firm LLP and BakerHostetler LLP, the case represents Ukrainian civilians and families who say they lost loved ones or suffered serious injuries during drone and missile attacks. The plaintiffs are seeking damages for wrongful death, physical injury and psychological trauma.
The chips, they added, were later found in drones and missiles used by Russia and Iran in strikes that killed and injured civilians in Ukraine.
Iran has supplied drones and other military support to Russia since Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Tehran and Moscow are both heavily sanctioned by the United States, in curbs aimed at sapping their ability to project military power.
The complaint alleges the companies failed to take reasonable steps to prevent their products from reaching sanctioned actors, despite years of public warnings from governments, journalists and international watchdogs.
US export control laws are designed to stop sensitive technology from being diverted into foreign weapons programs and the lawsuit claims those safeguards were ignored.
According to the filing, American-made chips were identified in Iranian-manufactured Shahed drones and in Russian missiles used to strike residential areas and civilian infrastructure in Ukraine.
The Shahed has helped define the Ukrainian battlespace and the United States announced this month it had copied elements of the kamikaze drone and deployed it to the Middle East, in a move which drew pride and mockery in Tehran.
Plaintiffs argue the companies continued selling chips through distributors and online channels they knew were vulnerable to diversion. The complaint says sales continued even after reports showed US technology repeatedly appearing in Iranian and Russian weapons systems.
The companies named in the lawsuit have previously said they comply with US export controls and sanctions and do not sell products directly to Iran or Russia. The defendants have not yet responded publicly to the specific allegations in the new lawsuit and its merits have not yet been tested in court.
The lawsuit does not allege the companies intentionally supplied weapons programs but argues they knowingly failed to prevent foreseeable harm caused by the misuse of their technology.
Citing Texas tort law covering negligence, gross negligence and wrongful death, the lawsuit also argues that violations of US export control and sanctions laws automatically constitute negligence under state law.
The filing cites multiple reports documenting how American electronics ended up in Iranian and Russian weapons. Investigations by US and international research organizations have previously found that a large share of components recovered from Iranian drones used in Ukraine originated from US companies.
The complaint also points to internal warnings.
In the case of Texas Instruments, shareholders reportedly raised concerns about chips appearing in sanctioned markets but the company maintained that full traceability of its products was not achievable. Plaintiffs argue that response showed a failure to strengthen safeguards despite known risks.
David Albright, a prominent physicist and nuclear proliferation expert, posted to X that "Texas instruments has sold its goods to China and it knows they end up in Russian Shahed drones and other military systems."
US President Donald Trump’s new National Security Strategy (NSS) signals a more hands-off approach toward Iran and marks a departure from the outlook of his first term, according to veteran Iran-watcher and analyst Behnam Ben Taleblu.
The 2025 National Security Strategy reflects a narrowing of what Washington now defines as its core national interests, Taleblu said, with Iran mentioned just three times despite being labeled a central threat in Trump’s 2017 strategy.
“There’s a focus on the homeland, the Western Hemisphere, strategic competition with China and getting Europe to do more,” said Taleblu, an analyst for the Foundation for Defense of Democracies think tank in Washington DC, adding that Iran is absent from the list of top-tier threats outlined in the document.
The strategy released this month emphasizes reducing US involvement in the Middle East in favor of focusing on great power competition with China, threats in the Western Hemisphere and urging Europe to shoulder more security responsibility.
Iran appears to have slipped down Washington’s priority list following last year’s 12-day war between Israel and Iran, which the United States briefly joined.
“It seems like, at least for the Trump administration, they’re content to take that victory lap,” Taleblu said on Eye for Iran, saying the White House is attempting to declare success and move on following US strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities.
The NSS suggests Washington is ready to “turn the page” on a region that has dominated US foreign policy for decades, he added, and it credits Trump’s energy policies, regional diplomacy and limited use of force for creating political space to step back from the Middle East.
US strikes on Iran included the use of 30,000-pound bunker-buster bombs carried by B-2 stealth bombers.
While President Trump has said Iran’s major nuclear sites were “obliterated,” US intelligence assessments indicate the program was set back but not completely destroyed, according to officials cited in US media reports.
Iran is believed to possess more than 400 kilograms of highly enriched uranium whose whereabouts remain unknown, and Iranian officials have said they rebuilt its missile capacity and would respond forcefully to any future attack.
“Iran may be weakened, but it is down and not out,” Taleblu added.
The strategy document implies that major regional crises — including the Gaza war, the Israel-Hezbollah conflict in Lebanon, Houthi attacks from Yemen and instability in post-Assad Syria — are either resolved or on track toward resolution.
The document does not appear to assess that Iran could strongly reverse recent setbacks to its nuclear program and its so-called Axis of Resistance coalition.
While Taleblu credited the Trump administration for reviving elements of its maximum pressure campaign of sanctions, he criticized what he called gaps. Iranian oil exports have reached record highs, and the administration has not issued a single new human rights designation related to Iran in 2025.
“While the regime is threatening the life of this very president and the first family, it is beyond me to be thinking about peace and prosperity without a clear strategy to contain Iran further,” Taleblu said, “There is a lot of room for improvement when I look at both this document and the administration’s track record this year.”