Iran International
Tehran’s upcoming city council elections will be held under a proportional representation system for the first time, but widespread voter apathy has raised concerns of an extremely low turnout outside conservative ranks.
The city and village council elections in May will also be held independently of the presidential race for the first time, a change that further distinguishes them from previous electoral cycles.
City council contests are significant to political figures and groups in Iran because they have repeatedly served as springboards to national power, particularly the presidency.
Tehran’s current hardline mayor, Alireza Zakani, rose through the city council before becoming mayor and later used that position as a launchpad for his bid in last year’s presidential election, though he was ultimately unsuccessful.
Before him, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad famously moved from the Tehran mayoralty to the presidency, underscoring the political weight of municipal office in Iran.
Voter disillusion and the risk of low participation
Unlike all other elections in Iran, city council races are not supervised by the Guardian Council, an unelected body widely accused by critics of “engineering elections” in favor of conservatives and hardliners through mass candidate disqualifications.
As a result, council elections have generally been freer than presidential and parliamentary contests over the past two decades.
Even so, political analysts and activists say the depth of public frustration with elections and governance makes it unlikely that large segments of the electorate will return to the polls, with some warning that turnout could fall below levels seen five years ago, when only around 25 percent of eligible voters participated in Tehran.
This is particularly true of the so-called “gray voters,” a broad and often decisive group whose participation has frequently tipped election outcomes in favor of reformists and moderates.
Recent electoral experience reinforces these concerns. In the 2021 parliamentary elections, after most reformist candidates were disqualified, turnout in Tehran hovered around 10 percent. The top candidate in the capital won roughly 580,000 votes—about six percent of eligible voters.
The reformist-leaning daily Arman-e Melli warned of the potential total marginalization of reformists and moderates under the new electoral model and prevailing voter apathy in an article titled “The Proportional Election Trap Facing Reformists.”
“If conservatives enter the race with two lists and split their organized votes between them, while reformists fail to mobilize their political base, the total reformist vote could fall to third place. In such a scenario, even the complete exclusion of reformists from Tehran’s city council would not be far-fetched.”
Uneven campaign energy
So far, there has been little visible enthusiasm among reformists for the upcoming vote. Conservatives and hardliners, by contrast, have been planning for months.
Meanwhile, according to the centrist website Asr-e Iran, three conservative camps are already maneuvering aggressively: Mehrdad Bazrpash, a long-time rival of Tehran Mayor Alireza Zakani, is reportedly has an eye toward becoming Tehran’s next mayor by placing allies in the council, while supporters of Saeed Jalili and members of the hardline Paydari Front, and neo-conservative allies of parliamentary speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, also push for maximum seats.
How proportional elections work—and why they matter
Under the new model, seats are allocated based on the share of the total vote won by each party or coalition list, with independent candidates assessed according to their percentage of overall ballots cast.
In practice, this means that in Tehran, organized political forces with disciplined voter bases—particularly conservatives and hardliners—are likely to benefit the most, while candidates without party backing face steep obstacles.
While many political groups agree that proportional representation can, in theory, improve the performance of councils and municipalities, some argue that introducing it under current political and institutional conditions may produce the opposite effect.
Skepticism across the political spectrum
Opposition to the new model is not limited to any single political camp.
Masoud Zaribafan, a former close ally of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, has publicly warned against the risks.
He said that if ideologically rigid and unqualified individuals enter the council, it will “certainly face serious problems in selecting a mayor—especially someone who intends to use the mayoralty as a springboard to a higher position, including the presidency.”
He added: “Even if they manage to elect a mayor, I doubt they will be able to choose a powerful and efficient one.”
Mohammad Mehdi Tondgouyan, a former Tehran council member close to reformists, argued that proportional elections make little sense in a country without deeply rooted parties. “Our people have no real connection with parties,” he said.
Mahmoud Mir-Lohi, a senior member of the National Trust Party and a former deputy interior minister under President Mohammad Khatami, noted that Iran has around 200 registered parties, most of which function more like professional associations than genuine political organizations.
Former parliamentary candidate Tina Amin echoed this concern in a post on X: “If proportional elections are applied based on the current party landscape, they will not solve the problems of majoritarian elections. Instead, they will reproduce party-based rent-seeking and a lack of meritocracy in a different form.”
Tehran’s unveiling of a towering statue depicting the Roman Emperor Valerian kneeling before pre-Islamic Persian King Shapur I has renewed criticism of the Islamic Republic’s appeal to nationalist sentiment following the June war with Israel.
For over forty years, the theocracy purged ancient Persian history from schoolbooks, replacing it with post-Islamic narratives. But after the 12-day conflict with Israel, officials have turned to the distant pre-Islamic past to rally a divided society.
From murals of ancient kings and soldiers to patriotic songs added to Shi’ite mourning ceremonies performed before Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, Tehran now embraces imagery once deemed heretical by its own revolutionary ethos.
'Kneel before Iran' campaign
Tehran’s Revolution (Enghelab) Square was the scene of an unusual spectacle on Friday as officials unveiled a massive bronze statue depicting Roman Emperor Valerian kneeling in submission before Sassanid King Shapur I, commemorating Iran’s victory at the Battle of Edessa (260 AD).
The event was held under the slogan “Kneel before Iran,” part of what authorities describe as a campaign to project “national unity and historical pride” following the June war with Israel.
Tehran Mayor Alireza Zakani, a staunch ultraconservative, said on X: “Enmity with Great Iran can only end in kneeling before this historic nation.”
Municipal official Davood Goodarzi said the installation would be accompanied by visual displays depicting “other victories of Iranians over foreign aggressors,” including the defeat of British forces by local commander Rais-Ali Delvari, Mirza Kuchak Khan’s resistance against Russian troops, and Surena’s triumph over Rome at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BCE.
The goal, Goodarzi said, is “strengthening concepts such as national dignity, social unity, and Iranian identity.”
The statue, he said, would remain temporarily at Revolution Square before being moved to a city gateway “where it will stand as the first emblem of Iran before diplomats and foreign visitors.”
Unveiled women were allowed to attend the unveiling ceremony—an uncommon scene at events organized by Tehran’s ultra-hardline municipality.
The turn to the pre-Islamic past
The sharp reversal also recalls remarks once made by Khamenei. In a 2011 speech, he asserted that “all the great military victories of this nation came after Islam,” dismissing pre-Islamic accounts as “things that are not documented.”
In 1987, he had said that prophets triumphed over kings such as Cyrus and that “nothing remains of these monarchs in history but names remembered with derision.”
Nevertheless, pro-government social media accounts have now gone so far as to circulate posters equating Khamenei himself with Shapur, showing him standing with a staff as Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump kneel before him. The caption reads: “You will kneel before Iran.”
'Hypocrisy'
Pro-government figures have hailed the move as a patriotic success. Conservative political reporter Hossein Saremi posted: “Today’s grand Iranian gathering showed that people and the state share one essence: Iran itself. Nothing can take our homeland away.”
Others, however, called the spectacle “hypocrisy.” Journalist Gholamhossein Pashaei wrote on X: “Every year you close Pasargadae to stop people from celebrating Cyrus Day, yet you unveil Shapur’s statue in Enghelab Square with drums and fireworks during Fatimiyya (mourning period)!”
Dissident commentator Hamid Asafi called the ceremony “a perfect snapshot of the Islamic Republic’s contradictions.”
On Telegram he wrote: “A week ago they closed Cyrus’s tomb out of fear of the crowds, and now they glorify Shapur in the same breath. The Islamic Republic fears living history but poses for selfies with its corpse.”
He added: “They know people no longer respond to rosaries and sermons. That’s why they’ve brought history back to the stage—in a controlled costume. If they can’t erase the past, they’ll try to own it.”
The irony deepened as UNESCO formally recognized Cyrus’s Charter as one of the earliest human-rights documents.
President Masoud Pezeshkian wrote on X: “Iran, the cradle of dialogue, justice, and coexistence, can still inspire peace today.”
Users swiftly replied, questioning how such pride could coexist with a government that blocks access to Cyrus’s tomb each year to those wishing to visit it on his birthday.