A bride and groom pose for a selfie in a state-sponsored, mass wedding ceremony for 200 couples in Tehran, Iran, October 15, 2025
Tehran’s move to sharply limit a man’s liability for paying his wife mehriyeh—a gift of value promised at marriage—has triggered a fierce social debate, with critics warning that it tilts the legal balance further away from women.
On Wednesday, Iran’s parliament voted to cut the threshold for criminal enforcement from the long-standing ceiling of 110 gold coins, introduced in 2013, to just 14.
The measure passed as part of a broader bill to curb the criminalization of debt.
Legal scholar Mohsen Borhani was among the first to sound the alarm when the proposal surfaced earlier this year.
“Once again, a misogynistic bill is moving toward approval,” he posted on X, arguing that mehriyeh remains one of the few practical tools women have in a system where laws and practices heavily favor men.
Lawmakers, he wrote, should revise “all the reciprocal rights of spouses, not tilt the law to one side, and certainly not in a way that harms women.”
Mehriyeh, the inverse of dowry in Western traditions, is negotiated before marriage and legally treated as a debt. It becomes payable at divorce, on demand, or from the husband’s estate if he dies.
While it can take the form of money, property, or symbolic items, government-minted gold coins have become standard over the past few decades; amounts routinely reach hundreds of coins, each worth around $1,000.
Some conservatives inside parliament echoed that concern this week.
Lawmaker Sara Fallahi said the decision would alienate the public from religion “because it limits women’s rights in the name of Sharia.”
Supporters, including Mehrdad Lahouti, counter that more than 25,000 men have been jailed over unpaid mehriyeh and insist the reform will reduce imprisonment for debt.
For decades, criminal enforcement has been central to the function of mehriyeh: it gave women a swift and powerful remedy when husbands refused payment and acted as one of the few bargaining tools available in divorce or marital disputes.
Ankle monitor
Under the new rule, a man unable to pay more than 14 coins could be fitted with an electronic ankle monitor rather than jailed while the remaining debt is pursued.
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The legislation still requires approval by the Guardian Council. If finalized, only claims up to 14 coins could trigger criminal sanctions; everything above that would fall into slow and often uncertain civil litigation.
Many families choose 14 coins in reference to the 12 Shi’a Imams plus Prophet Mohammad and his daughter, Fatima.
In many divorces, women surrender part or all of their mehriyeh in exchange for custody or simply for the husband’s consent to dissolve the marriage—another reason reform critics view mehriyeh as a crucial form of leverage in a system already tilted toward men.
Iran’s Sharia-based legal framework contains numerous provisions that disadvantage women, particularly in family and inheritance law.
Men can divorce without proving fault, bar their wives from working or traveling abroad, and legally marry multiple wives. Women must establish serious grounds to obtain a divorce and often rely on mehriyeh as the only enforceable financial safeguard available to them.
Critics fear that without the threat of criminal consequences, many wives—especially those without independent income—will be left to pursue claims through years of civil litigation with little guarantee of recovery.
“Such an approach will easily widen the gender gap and undermine public trust in the process of reforming family laws,” the conservative Farhikhtegan daily warned.
Googoosh, a towering figure in Iranian pop music history, told the Associated Press in an interview published on Friday she would not produce new work until after the fall of the Islamic Republic.
“I prefer to leave my artistic work for a day when the Islamic Republic no longer exists in my country,” she said.
Embarking on a farewell tour, she framed her decision within the wider social shifts unfolding in Iran, particularly the growing rejection of the compulsory hijab and the generational frustration she believes now defines the country.
“We are seeing our youth, especially women, fighting for their most basic rights,” she said, describing a society confronting economic strain, political repression and demands for ordinary freedoms.
Defiance of compulsory veiling is now widespread in Iran as women and girls appear in public without headscarves in one of the most visible social shifts since Mahsa Amini’s death in 2022.
The pressures facing a new generation, Googoosh said, have accelerated her own sense of responsibility as an artist.
“People in my country are struggling to give their families an ordinary life. They struggle for clean water, clean air, and land where they can live. Our young people grew old without ever enjoying their youth. Our people must end this painful cycle and gain the freedoms every human being deserves.”
Iran’s rulers have long relied on strict hijab enforcement by police and Basij forces. The current situation comes amid persistent power cuts, water shortages and a weakened economy, all of which risk fueling further anger.
Iranian iconic pop singer Googoosh
A life shaped by stardom and silence
Born Faegheh Atashin, she entered the spotlight as a child performer and quickly became one of pre-revolution Iran’s most recognizable cultural figures. Her look, voice and stage presence shaped an entire era of Iranian pop culture.
After the 1979 revolution, she remained in Iran and spent two decades barred from performing under the new theocracy, facing surveillance, harassment and a period of imprisonment. When authorities finally allowed her to leave in 2000, she resumed her career abroad, launching a revival that connected her with Iranians who had long been cut off from her music.
“After the revolution, the pressure on me grew,” Googoosh said. “Since Farsi is my mother tongue and I grew up in Iran, I could not adjust to living outside my country. I did not want that life. I hoped I could somehow continue performing for my own people, inside my own country.”
Iranian officials said a large haul of ancient artifacts estimated to be about 2,800 years old has been seized in the northern town of Fereydunkenar in Mazandaran Province and four main suspects have been detained.
Local prosecutor Gholamhossein Asghari said police acted “immediately” after receiving a report about suspected illegal activity involving historical objects. He said a joint team with cultural heritage experts and the economic security police uncovered “a considerable number of prohibited and historical items that belong to the cultural heritage of the country.” Initial assessments put their value at around one thousand billion tomans (8.4 million USD). Three vehicles tied to the case were also impounded, he said.
Iran continues to face extensive trafficking of antiquities despite laws that classify such items as national heritage and ban their sale or export without official approval. Smuggling networks operate across the region, taking advantage of high demand. In one case reported by the outlet SedayeMiras, Achaemenid era gold artifacts smuggled out of Iran were sold on the black market in Dubai for about 1.1 million dollars, far below their estimated value of three million dollars. The report said the pieces included a gold pendant depicting Darius I, gold armlets, Achaemenid era jewelry and a 2,500 year old gold diadem.
Heritage experts say inadequate maintenance, limited protection and environmental damage have left many historical sites vulnerable. Asghari said cultural heritage is central to Iran’s identity and that any harm to it amounts to an attack on the nation’s history.
A post on X by Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's highlighting income inequality between women and men in the West stoked criticism by users who pointed to the Islamic theocracy's record on women's rights.
“In many Western countries today, women are paid less than men for doing the same work." Khamenei’s official English-language account posted on Wednesday. "That’s how they are today, which is totally unjust.”
The message echoed parts of a speech he delivered the same day to an audience of women and girls, in which he defended the compulsory Islamic veil and criticized the treatment of women in the West.
A "readers added context" note under his post, a feature introduced under the platform's new owner Elon Musk which collates users' responses, said bluntly: "Iran has a greater gender inequality than the entire west."
X user Guney Yazar quipped: "So the guy who jails women for not covering their hair now lectures the West on pay equity. The irony’s richer than any oil field."
One user prompted Grok, the artificial intelligence feature on X, to describe the punishment for defying the hijab under the 86-year-old theocrat.
"Under Iran's 2024 Hijab and Chastity law, women not wearing the hijab face fines from 15 million to 500 million rials ($24–$790), escalating to up to 1.5 billion rials, travel/online bans, and prison up to 5-15 years for repeats," it said.
"Severe cases may invoke the death penalty under 'corruption on earth.' A recent Supreme Leader directive calls for stricter enforcement, though many women continue to defy it."
'Enslaving not liberating'
The nearly 50-year-old system over which Khamenei presides views the veil as an emblem of Islamic identity and chastity.
One of the gravest sins of Western capitalist logic and culture is that they deceitfully label corruption and promiscuity as 'freedom,' he added in another post. "And when they try to spread that culture, they say, 'We're liberating you!' But in fact, they're enslaving people."
Other users cited data from the US Bureau of Labor Statistics and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) appearing to confirm an element of Khamenei's assertion.
The bodies found that, adjusted for experience and hours, the gender pay gap in Western countries stands at around 1-4%.
But both the World Bank and the International Labor Organization (ILO) list Iran’s gender pay gap for identical roles at 35%, fueled by laws requiring male guardian permission for women to travel, work or study.
Gender rights record
Users also replied with pre-1979 Islamic Revolution photos of unveiled Iranian women, images of morality police violence and memorials to a young woman named Mahsa Amini whose death in morality police custody stoked mass protests in 2022.
The demonstrations were quashed with deadly force.
Iran ranks 143 out of 146 countries in the latest World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report.
Amnesty International has documented systemic gender discrimination in Iran in its 2024 report, including up to 74 lashes for defying hijab rules and frequent impunity for honor killings.
The once-hushed conversation about who will succeed Iran’s 86-year-old Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has not only spilled into the open, but has curdled into public intimidation of contender and former president Hassan Rouhani.
Rouhani has become the focal point of a succession debate that appears to be increasingly unavoidable after a June war with Israel and the United States which the theocrat largely watched from hiding.
The dovish former president invoked hardliners' ire with a call after the conflict to open up the country's politics and rein in Tehran's confrontational foreign policy.
Reading like implicit criticism of Khamenei’s military and governance record, his plea was decried as weakness and treason by detractors determined to shape the post-Khamenei future.
The most striking came from Babak Zanjani, the billionaire tycoon whose 2016 death sentence for embezzling $2.8 billion in oil funds was quietly commuted before his conditional release this year.
On 2 December, Zanjani posted a message on X that did not name Rouhani but included an image of the moderate cleric along with a headline that floated the former president as Iran’s next leader.
“They will carry this wish to the grave,” Zanjani wrote. “Iran will be cleansed of incompetence and unqualified managers. Iran needs young, educated, and capable people, not holders of fake and baseless degrees.
The swipe at Rouhani’s disputed academic credentials—and the suggestion that his aspirations should be taken to the grave—was difficult to mistake even without the image he had quoted.
Avoidable no more
It was not the first such threat against the moderates’ foremost figure. Hardline MP Kamran Ghazanfari recently argued that Rouhani should be tried and executed if accusations of treason “prove true.”
Rouhani championed the 2016 international nuclear deal from which US President Donald Trump later withdrew but has a deep background as a security and political apparatchik of the Islamic Republic with broad support among insiders.
Zanjani’s intervention stands out among the criticism: a convicted billionaire, pardoned by Khamenei, now declaiming on the succession—a sign, perhaps, of a system losing its old constraints because the stakes have changed.
Tehran’s sharpened confrontation with Israel has revived speculation that the 86-year-old cleric could become a target. War and economic crisis, coupled with the unavoidable fact of age, have created unusual license.
Zanjani, indebted to and no doubt confident in the powers of those who secured his release, speaks with a confidence unthinkable even a year ago, treating Khamenei’s departure as inevitable and focusing solely on blocking Rouhani.
Until the US and Israeli strikes on Iran in June 2025, few dared to broach succession without the ritual “God forbid.”
Even reformist academic Sadeq Zibakalam has prefaced remarks on the succession with the formulaic blessing—“after Khamenei lives for 120 years”—before saying plainly that Rouhani considers himself better suited for leadership than any other contender, including Khamenei’s son Mojtaba.
It’s just the beginning
For Khamenei, less visible after the war and perhaps aware of the system’s erosion, such discussions are perilous.
Openly grooming Mojtaba risks signaling vulnerability; suppressing the conversation only highlights how exposed the system has become when its future rests on a single, ageing figure.
Without a designated heir—even informally—the system remains brittle, its future hostage to uncertainty and factional strife.
At a moment when external adversaries may be girding for further war, living standards are collapsing and public anger is close to boiling point, stepping forward as a potential leader requires nerve, discipline and broad support.
Few, if any, among Iran’s political elite possess all three.
The result is a succession struggle waged through innuendo: a contest as bitter and murky as any yet seen in Tehran, which may last until Khamenei is no more, if not longer.
Some Iranian youths disillusioned by poor amenities in the Islamic theocracy are increasingly taking to a homemade codeine drink known as lean, education and health professionals told Iran International.
Lean is a mixture made by combining cough syrups containing codeine with sweetened beverages. The name lean refers to the sedating effect of codeine, which can make users feel unsteady or inclined to recline.
Long popular abroad and popularized in some corners of American hip hop culture, the habit is potential fatal.
It is sometimes known as purple drink because certain cough syrups contain dyes that turn the mixture violet, though local versions in Iran often appear in other colors depending on the medicines used.
The mixture, according to the expert, spreads easily because it can be prepared with medicines already found in many Iranian homes or purchased cheaply over the counter.
Alcohol and drugs are strictly forbidden in the Islamic Republic, and authorities have executed hundreds of people this year accused of drug offenses.
But basic codeine syrups and antihistamines require no special authorization, making the drink inexpensive, discreet and accessible to young people with limited means.
'Highly addictive'
The counsellor, who asked not to be named due to security concerns, said the mixture first surfaced in parks and schoolyards where teenagers gather after long days in classrooms where education is often by rote and has a strong focus on ideological content conforming to the ruling theocracy.
Students, she said, were searching for “something that breaks the monotony” after hours spent in lessons centered on ideological narratives and obligatory religious themes.
She described the drink’s beginnings as “born out of boredom,” saying that many adolescents felt they had no engaging place to spend their time.
“Recreation is squeezed, cultural choice is narrow and even access to a simple beer is criminalized,” she said. “When all conventional outlets are shut, young people invent alternatives.”
Lean is a highly addictive mixture that slows the body’s functions and can cause drowsiness, euphoria, nausea, dizziness, visual disturbances and hallucinations.
Mixing it with alcohol or sedatives greatly increases the risk of dangerously slowed breathing, low oxygen levels, brain injury, seizures, coma or death.
Long-term use can damage teeth, impair memory and vision and lead to serious heart and breathing problems.
Government oversight
Health professionals say the drink spread quietly because Iran lacks a unified system to track unusual purchases of over-the-counter medicines. Basic cough syrups containing codeine are widely available, and the country’s fragmented regulatory framework does not flag high-volume sales or patterns of youth misuse.
A Tehran pharmacist, Omid, said its abuse was predictable.
“When oversight is inconsistent and pharmacies operate without shared monitoring tools, teenagers can gather ingredients unnoticed,” he said. “These medicines sit in almost every home, and no authority has built a mechanism to prevent misuse.”
Omid told Iran International that the state’s regulatory posture has long focused on punitive measures against alcohol while failing to address practical gaps in the medical supply chain. “The priorities are mismatched,” he said.
Education system failure
The trend, according to the counsellor, also reflects shortcomings within classrooms where students rarely receive consistent health education or clear information about the dangers of misusing common medicines.
Instead, timetables remain filled with obligatory ideological material that leaves little room for life-skills programs or discussions about adolescent well-being.
Parents, the counsellor said, receive almost no guidance from schools on the needs of Gen Z or the pressures they experience. “Families are left to guess what their children are going through,” she said.
“Instead of equipping parents with tools, the curriculum focuses on messaging that feels distant from young people’s realities.”
Many teenagers, she added, report feeling disconnected from school content and turn to private rituals and drink simply to “break the cycle” of pressure they cannot voice openly.
Families on their own
Parents who encounter the issue typically do so after it has taken root. This late detection, according to the pharmacist, reflects a systemic failure.
“There is no coordinated pathway between schools, clinics and households,” he said. “Warnings come only after the consequences appear.”
Gen Z’s experimentation, the counsellor added, reflects unmet needs rather than deliberate risk-taking. “If young Iranians had engaging cultural venues, balanced schooling and genuine recreation, this drink would never have become a pattern.”
The two experts said the drink’s spread among 13- to 28-year-olds is a direct product of policy choices: narrow social freedoms, numbing school content, criminalization of ordinary leisure, fragmented pharmaceutical oversight and insufficient support for parents.