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INSIGHT

Iran’s factions gear up for local elections despite public apathy

Behrouz Turani
Behrouz Turani

Iran International

Oct 24, 2025, 20:42 GMT+1Updated: 00:07 GMT+0
Small Iranian flags in a ceremony to mark the completion of a state housing project in northeast Tehran
Small Iranian flags in a ceremony to mark the completion of a state housing project in northeast Tehran

Many Iranians may have turned away from the ballot box in recent elections, but establishment factions are taking next year’s local polls as seriously as ever.

For insiders, the May 2026 vote is another battleground for influence, especially in the capital Tehran where the council elects the mayor, one of Iran’s most powerful local officials and a common stepping stone to higher office.

Many former councillors have gone on to parliament or cabinet roles; Mahmoud Ahmadinejad famously rose from the mayor’s office to the presidency in 2005.

In the last council vote in Tehran, turnout was just under 25 percent. The highest-voted candidate, Mehdi Chamran, currently leading the capital's council, secured barely five percent of all eligible voters.

While many in Iran say votes are meaningless and decisions are made elsewhere, factions continue to fight over roles that may not shape national policy but offer access—lawful or otherwise—to influence and resources.

‘Open to rigging’

Conservatives have been quick to question both the government’s readiness and its motives for introducing a new voting model.

Parviz Sorouri, the septuagenarian deputy chairman of the Tehran City Council, warned of “possible rigging,” citing the Interior Ministry’s lack of capacity for managing a “complicated” electoral system.

Despite his criticism, Sorouri sounded upbeat about the potential for more consolidation of power at local elections—where vetting is less harsh and eager independents may slip through the net.

“(The new system) could eliminate useless political parties that spring up overnight and disappear just as quickly,” he told the Didban Iran website.

If the new system works, it could eventually replace Iran’s long-standing winner-takes-all model, allocating seats according to parties’ share of the vote and making local councils more representative.

Top prize: Tehran

Some moderates, long marginalized by disqualifications and low turnouts, appear to view the change as a potential opening.

Saeed Noormohammadi, spokesperson for the reformist Neda-ye Iranian (Iranians’ Voice Party), told the Iranian Labor News Agency (ILNA) that his group is already preparing for the vote and hopes reformist parties will unite under a single list.

“Reformists need to announce their candidate for Mayor of Tehran to attract voters’ attention,” he said. “But currently, there are no young contenders; those who are ready to run are already of retirement age.”

“The first generation of Iran’s reformists didn’t train a new cadre because they didn’t want to share power with the younger generation,” he added.

Noormohammadi noted that the mayor’s post enjoys “cabinet-level access” and has to be the “priority.”

The outlook

With potential candidates required to resign from official posts roughly six months before the vote, Tehran’s press is already watching for early departures—a traditional sign that competition inside the system has begun.

It remains to be seen whether the new voting system will truly help reformist forces, and whether the 2026 experiment widens participation or merely rearranges familiar power blocs.

Much will hinge on whether Tehran’s city council is truly allowed to elect its own mayor—or whether, as in the past, the final choice comes from above.

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