With the death of Nasser Taghvai, the Iranian film world has lost one of its last great moralists—a filmmaker who, through silence as much as cinema, taught the meaning of integrity.
For eighty-four years, he lived between art and truth and chose the latter as his art.
When he could no longer make films because Iran's theocratic system would not let him, he endured in silence. That moral stillness, that refusal, will grant him a kind of immortality no monument could.
It might sound sentimental, but it’s no small thing to hold on to principles that offer no promise of survival: to keep saying no to censor when yes could buy you comfort.
Most people take the deal and call it success. For Taghvai, success meant honesty, even if it meant silence. He chose to stop working than betray the essence of his work and bow to censors.
For years, he chose quiet over compromise, teaching instead of directing, living modestly but faithfully to an idea of cinema that no longer seemed to belong to this world.
'Found freedom' in death
Taghvai died on October 14, 2025. The modern world—obsessed with visibility, market value, and the algorithmic myth of individuality—has little patience for those who stand apart.
Everyone believes they are unique; artists are sure of it. But there is a difference between those who merely believe it and those who live it. Most pass through history collecting, as Andy Warhol once put it, their fifteen minutes of fame.
Others—those like Nasser Taghvai—shape history from within.
His wife, the filmmaker Marzieh Vafamehr, announced his passing with a single, luminous sentence: “Nasser Taghvai, the artist who chose the difficulty of living free, has found freedom.”
That line captures him entirely: liberation through honesty, not survival through compromise.
Saeed Poursamimi (left) and Ali Nasirian (center) in a scene from Captain Khorshid (1987)
The smell of oil and the sea
Taghvai was born in 1941 in Abadan, a city poised between refinery and sea—between modernity and tradition. The geography of the south shaped his eyes: the heat, the salt, the rhythm of labor and myth.
He studied Persian literature at the University of Tehran, but it was life, not books, that made him a filmmaker.
His early documentaries of the 1960s, such as Wind of Jinn (1969), were meditations on fear, faith, and freedom. For him, cinema was never entertainment; it was knowledge in motion. He helped forge the Iranian New Wave, replacing sentimentality with silence, rhythm, and thought.
In Tranquility in the Presence of Others (1970), he dissected authoritarian family structures so precisely it was banned. In Sadegh Kordeh (1972), he brought Iran’s forgotten peripheries to the center. In My Uncle Napoleon (1976), he revealed—through humor and tenderness—a society haunted by its own mistrust.
After the 1979 Revolution, in a suffocating climate of censorship, he made Captain Khorshid (1985), a southern reimagining of Hemingway’s To Have and Have Not. A parable of courage and dignity, it won the Locarno Prize and remains one of Iran’s cinematic masterpieces.
Later came Hey Iran, a satire that turned laughter into rebellion, and Paper Without Lines, a meditation on imagination and identity.
“When I cannot tell the truth, I don’t make films”
His final project, Bitter Tea, about the Iran–Iraq War, was shut down. His response was austere and unforgettable: “When I cannot tell the truth, I don’t make films.”
For Taghvai, not making a film was itself an act of art—a decision against deception.
Across his work, one theme persisted: resistance to power and deceit. In Tranquility in the Presence of Others, madness defies authority.
In Captain Khorshid, honor resists betrayal. In Hey Iran, laughter dismantles militarism.
His cinema was intellectual yet humane, philosophical yet popular. He never mocked his audience; he invited them to think.
“The camera is not just an eye; It’s a conscience”
Taghvai was not only a filmmaker but a teacher of filmmakers. For him, cinema was not a profession but a way of perceiving. Generations of Iranian directors learned from his credo “the camera is not just an eye—it’s a conscience.”
He lived between presence and absence: present in his images, absent in his long silences. He refused to lie for visibility, to flatter power for memory, or to compromise for survival. “Art that isn’t honest isn’t art,” he once said.
In a world where art is often reduced to advertisement, he proved that honesty is the hardest, most enduring form of resistance. Even in stillness, he made the loudest noise.
His death is not just a farewell to a filmmaker. It is an invitation to remember that independence in art means standing against power without shouting — to be quiet, and yet remain unforgettable.
Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's representative to Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) said on Thursday that Washington seeks Tehran's submission and uses the nuclear program as a means to that end.
“The core issue is neither nuclear energy, nor human rights nor other apparent matters; the real aim is sovereignty and governance, the ancient conflict between tyrants and prophets,” Abdullah Haji-Sadeqi said in a speech in the holy city of Qom.
The remarks, a day after a key foreign policy aide to Khamenei ruled out US demands on reining in Iran's regional military activities and missile capacity, suggest Iran's 86-year-old ultimate decision maker maintains a hardline stance opposing any detente.
“The Leader of the Revolution said the whole dispute is that America says Iran must obey us. We, the Iranian nation, must properly understand this truth,” Haji-Sadeqi said. “If nuclear energy, human rights, or other issues are mentioned, all of these are merely tools to achieve that main goal.”
Trump administration earlier this year gave Iran a 60-day ultimatum to reach a nuclear deal, demanding it end all domestic uranium enrichment. Tehran denies seeking a weapon and sees enrichment as a right.
On June 13, the 61st day since US-Iran talks began, Israel launched a surprise military campaign which killed nuclear scientists along with hundreds of military personnel and civilians.
On June 22, the United States joined the fighting with strikes by B-2 bombers and submarine-launched missiles on three Iranian nuclear sites which US President Donald Trump has repeatedly said "obliterated" the country's nuclear program.
Iran denies seeking a nuclear weapon and has condemned the attacks as a violation of its sovereignty and international law.
Rights groups have criticized Tehran's rights record, as Iran has executed at least 1,172 people this year according to the US-based Abdorrahman Boroumand Center for Human Rights in Iran.
Amnesty International reported that between January and September 2025, Iran executed more than 1,000 people — the highest number in three decades — marking a 75% increase in the first four months alone (343 compared with 195 in 2024).
At least 404 executions have taken place since the June Israel-Iran war, according to the human rights organization Hengaw.
Iran-backed hackers sought to blackmail former US national security advisor John Bolton over emails they had accessed, according to an indictment on Thursday accusing him of mishandling classified material.
Bolton fell out badly with President Donald Trump since serving in his first term and has become a strident critic of the populist president.
The approval of charges by a federal grand jury in Maryland marked the latest legal moves by the administration against political adversaries.
The indictment, which draws upon investigations which gained pace under the presidency of Joe Biden, accuses Bolton of sending over a thousand pages of so-called diary notes about his duties in 2018 and 2019.
Bolton, prosecutors allege, used his AOL email account and an insecure messaging app to transmit some materials to two unnamed people who lacked security clearances.
Those messages, the indictment added, included “national defense information” including top secret classified material.
On or around July 6, 2021, the indictment alleged, a Bolton representative contacted the FBI, saying, "evidently someone has gotten into Amb. Bolton's personal email account and that it looks as though it is someone in Iran."
The hacker allegedly taunted Bolton according to an email forward to the FBI by the representative, saying, “This could be the biggest scandal since Hillary’s emails were leaked, but this time on the G.O.P side! Contact me before it’s too late," in a reference to the Republican party.
On or around August 5, 2021, the indictment continued, Bolton received another email by the hackers saying, "OK John ... As you want (apparently), we'll disseminate the expurgated sections of your book by reference to your leaked email".
Bolton, prosecutors said, did not inform the FBI that the contents of the hacked emails could have been classified.
As national security advisor, former US ambassador to the United Nations under George W. Bush and as a public commentator, Bolton has been highly critical of Tehran and has advocated a hard line against its theocratic leadership.
“He’s a bad guy,” Trump told reporters at the White House on Thursday when asked about Bolton. “That’s the way it goes.”
The upcoming opening of Tehran’s new Saint Mary Metro station has sparked both celebration and controversy: hailed by some as a gesture of interfaith harmony and dismissed by others as a hollow publicity stunt to polish Iran’s image abroad.
Located near Saint Sarkis Armenian Church in downtown Tehran, the Saint Mary (Maryam-e Moghaddas) station features large reliefs of Jesus and Mary.
“The station was built to honor Saint Mary and to demonstrate the coexistence of divine religions in Tehran,” Mayor Alireza Zakani posted on X earlier this week.
Conservative media welcomed the move as proof of Iran’s tolerance.
“Respect in Iran for religious and cultural diversity is unparalleled, yet these matters receive no coverage in Western media!” wrote hardline commentator Ehsan Movahedian on X.
The Revolutionary Guards-linked Fars News Agency claimed that “foreign social media users, recalling grim portrayals of Iran and the lives of its minorities in mainstream media, have described such narratives as part of a Western agenda with anti-Iranian motives.”
Others were less impressed.
Journalist Azadeh Mokhtari mocked municipality-run daily Hamshahri, which splashed ‘Global Reactions to Saint Mary Metro’ on its Wednesday front page.
“Global reaction?” Mokhtary quipped on X, “their jaws must have dropped for sure that you built one metro line. And your even bigger act of genius is that you named it Holy Mary?”
Opposition voices were sharper still.
“Why the ‘Mary Metro’? Because the Islamic Republic is desperate,” wrote a user posting as Cyrus the Great. “It’s trying to polish its global image and manipulate Western audiences, especially conservatives and religious figures like Donald Trump.”
“Don’t be fooled,” the user added. “By falling for this propaganda, you’re helping the same dictatorship that has oppressed the people of Iran for decades.”
Christians in Iran: Rights and Restrictions
Iran’s constitution recognizes Zoroastrians, Jews, Armenians, and Assyrian-Chaldeans as religious minorities, granting them limited rights to worship, manage schools, and hold parliamentary seats.
But these protections exclude Muslim-born converts to Christianity.
Existing churches may admit only members of their own communities, and no new churches can be established.
While Christian holidays are officially observed, all activities remain under state supervision.
Apostasy and the Threat of Persecution
Muslim-born converts often worship secretly in “house churches,” risking arrest on charges such as “acting against national security” or “propaganda against the system.”
Missionary activity is banned.
Armenian-born pastor Joseph Shahbazian, accused of leading a house church, was sentenced in 2022 to ten years in Evin Prison.
Courts have also intervened in family cases—including a 2020 ruling in Bushehr ordering a Christian convert couple to surrender their adopted child.
Though executions for apostasy have ceased since 1990, converts such as Yousef Nadarkhani, Mehdi Dibaj, and Hamid Soodmand have faced death sentences in the past.
Apostasy remains prosecutable under Sharia or clerical fatwas, even without explicit codification in Iran’s penal law.
The contrast between Tehran’s public tributes and its private punishments has become a familiar script—one no metro station can disguise.
The hard-won ceasefire in Gaza is only the beginning, not the end of the crisis in Middle East. On the surface a fragile calm has settled over the region, but Iran's role in any new order remains undefined.
Without engaging Iran in a diplomatic process or decisively chastising it on the battlefield - genuine peace may remain elusive. Iran remains a key regional player capable of shaking the fragile detente.
While a punishing US-Israeli war battered its nuclear and military capabilities, a wounded and isolated Iran could yet be a spoiler for long-term stability.
Washington has yet to extract any meaningful concessions from Iran, neither by force of arms nor increasingly onerous sanctions.
The "dark cloud" US President Donald Trump repeatedly described Iran posing in the region may yet lower over any peace agreement.
For decades, Iran has been a central force of instability in the region. Now, following the October 10, 2025 ceasefire, it finds itself in a weakened position: an economy strangled by sanctions, diminished armed allies in the region and growing international isolation.
History shows that whenever Iran has felt cornered, it has not stepped back but rather sallied forth. It expanded its war with Iraq into the Persian Gulf in the late 1980s, announced continued uranium enrichment in defiance of UN sanctions and directed proxy attacks on key Saudi Aramco oil facilities in 2019.
This pattern suggests that mere containment does not restrain Tehran but provokes even more unpredictable behavior.
Waning crescent
Trump, however, seems convinced that Iran is ready for peace. In an address to the Israeli Knesset on Monday, he said, “Iran has informed us that it fully agrees with this deal,” even extending an offer of “friendship” to Tehran.
But why does Trump believe the Iran can be coaxed into a Mideast order at peace with Israel, which would violate the essence of the Islamic Republic's state ideology?
In his drive to declare victory and end the war, Trump may be too invested in his own narrative of success. He argues that strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities forced Tehran out of the field and paved the way for peace.
Yet was Iran’s menace really confined to the underground halls of Natanz, Fordow and Isfahan nuclear laboratories?
A glance at the so-called Shi'ite Crescent of Iranian influence in the Middle East - now very much on the wane still perceptible - suggests otherwise.
Iran has not renounced its nuclear activities and remains a vocal patron of armed Islamist movements.
The Arab world’s role is now decisive. In July 2025, the Arab League - working in an unprecedented joint move with Western powers - called for the disarmament of Hamas, stripping the group of its resistance legitimacy and disconnecting it from Iran’s paramilitary project.
The statement, urging Hamas to surrender its weapons and release hostages, marked a fundamental shift in Arab policy.
The success of Trump’s ceasefire plan now depends largely on Arab leverage. Gulf states, as key financiers of Gaza’s reconstruction, can condition their aid on Hamas’s compliance, including complete disarmament.
If the Arab world takes that path, how will Tehran respond? Capitulation seems unlikely. Iran sees Hamas as a pillar of its anti-Israel strategy, and its disarmament as a direct blow to Tehran’s regional influence.
Iran in response could intensify proxy operations - through Houthi attacks on Red Sea shipping or renewed militant activity in Iraq and Syria. Yet Iran’s current weakness - economic exhaustion, diplomatic isolation and recent military setbacks - might also push it toward negotiations.
Trump’s political bet
That is the political bet Trump is making. Still, Iran’s absence from the Sharm el-Sheikh summit, followed by Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi’s sharp post telling Trump he was Israel's dupe, suggests talks remain far away.
The new Middle East order is no longer centered on the “axis of resistance” but on shared security and economic interests between Arab states and Israel.
Iran has gambled everything on its ideology of resistance and lost.
Its likely response will combine several tracks: rebuilding its regional standing through soft diplomacy with Arab neighbors, increasing pressure on Israel from secondary fronts like Lebanon or Syria and maintaining strategic ties with Russia and China as counterweights to the West.
At this moment, Trump is watching and waiting, ready to resort to force if Iran reacts, or to let Tehran drift into diplomatic irrelevance if it does not.
Either path could lead to a historic shift: the gradual erasure of Iran from the region’s balance of power and possibly its eventual collapse from within.
Iranian state-linked hackers are expanding their cyber operations beyond the Middle East to include targets in North America and Europe, according to Microsoft’s 2025 Digital Defense Report published on Thursday.
"Recently, three Iranian state-affiliated actors attacked shipping and logistics firms in Europe and the Persian Gulf to gain ongoing access to sensitive commercial data, raising the possibility that Iran may be pre-positioning to have the ability to interfere with commercial shipping operations," the report said.
In response, Iran’s mission to the United Nations denied the allegation, saying Tehran “is not the initiator of any offensive cyber operations against any country.”
The mission said Iran is a victim of cyberattacks itself and “will respond to any cyber threat in proportion to its nature and scope.”
Microsoft's report comes just days after Britain’s MI5 warned members of Parliament that spies from China, Russia and Iran are targeting UK politicians in an effort to influence policy, gather intelligence and undermine democracy.
On Tuesday, MI5 Director General Ken McCallum urged lawmakers to stay alert to blackmail attempts, phishing attacks, and approaches from individuals seeking to cultivate long-term relationships or make donations to sway decisions.
FBI director Kash Patel on Wednesday said the United States has seen a 50% increase in espionage cases linked to Iran.
US security agencies had warned in July of increased risk from Iranian cyber actors.
“Based on the current geopolitical environment, Iranian-affiliated cyber actors may target US devices and networks for near-term cyber operations,” the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) said in the report, issued jointly with the National Security Agency (NSA), Department of Homeland Security (DHS), and FBI.