Prominent academic and vocal critic of Tehran hardliners Sadegh Zibakalam warned that another clash between Iran and Israel could occur because there are those in Iran who still believe in “the mission of destroying Israel.”
The Tehran University professor said Iran possesses 400 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60% purity, enough to build at least 10 atomic bombs.
“When asked where these stockpiles are, they say ‘none of your business,’ and then it is said, ‘Why are the Israelis worried?’” he added.
Iran’s defense minister described the recent deployment of US refueling aircraft to the Middle East as “psychological warfare,” saying the country must remain ready to defend itself and not be swayed by such tactics.
“We must always be ready to defend the country, and other sectors of the country should not be influenced by the psychological operations surrounding this issue,” Aziz Nasirzadeh said.
“The reason they keep saying there will be an attack is to create problems in society and disrupt economic stability,” he added.
His comments came a day after Newsweek reported that a large number of US Air Force KC-135 stratotankers had recently been deployed to Qatar’s Al Udeid Air Base in one of the region’s biggest aerial refueling operations in months, amid heightened tensions with Iran.

With Iran's rial hitting fresh depths daily amid new international sanctions, it's helpful to remember how the Islamic Republic's founder viewed the economy. The late theocrat famously said it's for the donkeys.
Half a century ago, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini dismissed economics as trivial. “Those who see the economy as the foundation of everything—they see man as an animal,” he said. “An animal’s foundation is its economy."
"A donkey’s foundation, too, is its economy.”
The words were meant as a rebuke to materialism, a call to put ideology and faith above worldly matters. But today, with the rial in free fall, his words feels prophetic. If the economy was fit only for donkeys, the donkey has finally brayed back.
In Iran, the value of money is measured in hours, not days. A few decades ago, a paycheck might last a week. Today, it barely stretches through the weekend. By Monday, the cash in your pocket feels lighter, not because you spent it, but because it has already lost its worth.
The rial, Iran’s national currency, has been devalued so many times that it now flutters like a useless note in the wind. Days after the reimposition of UN snapback sanctions, it trades on Iran's black market at a new low of more than 1.18 million rials to the US dollar.
The rial is no longer currency; it is confession: a declaration that the state has failed to keep its promise to protect the value of people’s lives.
A Broken Machine
Iran’s economic malaise is neither sudden nor accidental. The collapse of the rial is the product of a machine designed to fail: decades of chronic budget deficits, an overreliance on oil, institutional corruption and a governing class that treats money as both tool and weapon.
When oil revenues fall, the state reaches instinctively for the central bank, borrowing and printing money without backing.
Inflation rises; the rial weakens. Banks offer interest rates that lag far behind inflation, eroding public trust. Who, then, would save in rials? Instead, households convert earnings into safer stores of value: gold coins, real estate, US dollars.
Sanctions, too, are the invisible hand pushing Iran’s economy down. Restrictions on oil exports and banking channels cut the country off from hard currency.
Each new penalty, each geopolitical flare-up—whether a US Treasury announcement or a skirmish in the Strait of Hormuz, triggers panic. People rush to buy dollars, and the cycle repeats.
The market itself has become a theater of fear. A small uptick in the dollar can unleash a stampede. Rumors spread faster than official statements. In the currency shops of Tehran, the mere sight of a crowd can turn hesitation into frenzy.
Corruption by Design
If panic is the fuel of this collapse, corruption is its engine. Iran’s multi-tiered exchange-rate system all but invites abuse. Those with political connections receive dollars at subsidized “official” rates.
Some import nothing at all; others flip their cheap dollars on the black market. Either way, fortunes are made. The public pays the price.
This dual economy—one rate for the powerful, another for the powerless—has created a new class of profiteers: the sanctioned, the middlemen, the “dollar kings.” They thrive on scarcity. Every collapse in the rial fattens their accounts.
The Human Ledger
The first line of casualties runs straight through the Iranian kitchen. Rice, meat and fruit—staples of family meals—climb in price by the week.
Medicine, though never formally sanctioned, becomes unaffordable as the exchange rate pushes drugs beyond reach. A prescription that cost ten dollars last year now devours an entire month’s salary.
Rents rise, transportation costs surge, fuel becomes scarce. Savings—those careful stacks of rials stored for weddings, tuition or emergencies—melt like ice left on a Tehran rooftop in a hot summer.
Small manufacturers and workshops, unable to plan around daily price swings, shutter their doors. The result is a slow bleed of jobs, dignity and trust.
What remains is despair.
Young entrepreneurs who once dreamed of building companies now dream only of leaving. Pensioners find their stipends shredded by inflation. Families count coins at night and wonder how to stretch them through the morning.
Winners and Losers
The gulf between winners and losers is vast. On one side are exporters of oil, petrochemicals and metals. Every dollar they earn abroad multiplies when converted into rials.
They are joined by speculators and brokers who treat volatility as opportunity, buying and selling on rumor. And above them, perched like hawks, are those closest to power—officials and insiders who profit from the state’s controlled currencies and the rents they generate.
On the other side is everyone else. Office clerks, teachers and factory workers watch their wages dissolve.
Pensioners shrink under inflation’s weight. Small producers collapse under the cost of imported materials. Patients forgo medicine. Children see parents’ hopes dim.
The Donkey’s Reckoning
The fall of the rial is often described in the language of catastrophe—an earthquake, a storm, a collapse. But unlike those, it is no act of nature. It is a man-made disaster, engineered by structural weakness, amplified by sanctions and perpetuated by fear.
There is a cruel symmetry to it: the winners are narrow and known, the losers broad and nameless. The gains of exporters, speculators and power brokers stand in direct proportion to the losses of the public. The more the rial falls, the higher the profits for those at the top.
In the end, Khomeini’s sneer at economics has come to define the very fate of the Islamic republic he built. To treat the economy as beneath concern is to condemn it to ruin. To deride bread and butter as donkey’s business is to ensure that ordinary people bear the burden of hunger.
The rial’s collapse is not just an economic fact; it is a political one. It testifies to the bankruptcy of a system that equates survival with endurance, not prosperity. It reminds Iranians that in their country, profit flows upward, into the pockets of the few, while loss is spread thinly but cruelly across the many.
And it leaves them with a bitter lesson: you can mock the donkey all you want, but when the donkey finally collapses, it takes the cart with it.

A verdict looms for a British tourist couple tried in Iran over the weekend on espionage charges just as Tehran's relations with London plumb new lows over a European move to impose new international sanctions.
Lindsay and Craig Foreman, from East Sussex, were arrested during a motorcycle world tour in January and accused of spying - allegations they deny.
Lindsay's son Joe Bennett said the pair made a court appearance on Saturday and that a verdict was expected within days.
"Although they're mentally resilient, I think their physical health is really starting to suffer," he was quoted as saying by BBC Radio 4. Their family is "exhausted", he added, and "terrified by what may come next".
"I have nightmares thinking about how Mum and Craig can possibly be coping with this injustice, hearing false accusations, feeling helpless to be able to defend themselves, knowing that their words have been mistranslated," he added.
A UK Foreign Office representative was not allowed to attend the couple's Tehran trial on Saturday, the Guardian reported on Thursday, citing their family.
Critics and rights groups have long accused Tehran of engaging in so-called hostage diplomacy by detaining foreigners in exchange for jailed nationals abroad or economic and political concessions.
Iran denies the accusations and says it faces Israeli and Western intelligence infiltration.
France, the United Kingdom and Germany last month triggered the resumption of long dormant international sanctions on Iran which took effect over the weekend, accusing Tehran of evading its nuclear inspections. Iran denies seeking a bomb.
Three French nationals also remain in Iranian custody. Two of them, Cécile Kohler and Jacques Paris, were detained in May 2022. Iran's state TV aired a confession from the pair in October of that year in which they admitted spying charges.
Rights advocates say they are being held in torture-like conditions in Iran's Evin prison and that authorities routinely extract false admissions through physical and emotional pressure.
The last prisoner swap between Iran and a European country came when Italy freed an Iranian national wanted by the United States for allegedly supplying Tehran with drone technology in exchange for an accredited Italian journalist arrested in Iran.
''If you impose sanctions, if you threaten us, if you take any action (against Iran), our people will become stronger, more resilient,” deputy coordinator of the Revolutionary Guards’ Quds Force said on Thursday.
“The people of Tehran and all segments of the Islamic Republic will stand against the enemies with all their strength and will ultimately defeat them,” he added, speaking at ceremony in Tehran marking the anniversary of the deaths of Hassan Nasrallah, the slain Secretary General of Hezbollah, and his deputy.
Washington is seeking stiff concessions from Iran for any peace deal, the Washington Post reported on Thursday citing a US official, including curbs to its missile program and support for armed allies in the region.





