In Friday prayers, state clerics praise wisdom of nuclear talks

“Sure,” Trump said in an interview with Time magazine when asked if he would be willing to meet Iran’s top leaders.

The comments come as the third round of indirect negotiations is scheduled to take place on Saturday in Oman. The talks, which began earlier this month, aim to revive diplomacy after years of tension following Trump’s 2018 decision to abandon the 2015 nuclear deal between Iran and world powers.

"I think we're going to make a deal with Iran. Nobody else could do that," he said during the interview.

Earlier this year, Trump reinstated his administration’s maximum pressure policy on Iran, while also expressing openness to dialogue.

In February he also said he was prepared to speak with his Iranian counterpart and voiced hope for a peaceful resolution. “I really want to see peace, and I hope that we're able to do that,” Trump said at the time. “They cannot have a nuclear weapon.”

Iran maintains that its nuclear program is peaceful, but Trump has warned of catastrophic consequences if a new deal is not reached swiftly. He has also said military action remains a possibility to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon.

In the Time interview, Trump rejected reports that he had stopped Israel from launching strikes on Iranian nuclear sites, but said he preferred a diplomatic solution. “I didn’t stop them. But I didn’t make it comfortable for them, because I think we can make a deal without the attack,” he said. “It’s possible we’ll have to attack because Iran will not have a nuclear weapon.”

Asked if he was concerned that Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu might draw the United States into a broader conflict, Trump replied, “No.”

Instead of directly naming Khamenei, the commentaries were careful to use terms such as "leadership," "governance" and "decision-makers," as directly exhorting Iran's theocrat is mostly off-limits in public discourse.

Iranian nuclear scientist and former diplomat Ali Khorram, who served as Iran's ambassador to the UN headquarters in Geneva in the 80s, said in an interview with the pro-reform Arman Melli newspaper that Iran's leadership should take rational decisions which take into account future threats.

Khorram, who studied nuclear physics and international law in the United States, expressed optimism that US President Donald Trump could preside over a genuinely improved relationship

"Trump genuinely wants to improve relations between Tehran and Washington and elevate them to the level of friendship."

Reformist political commentator Abbas Abdi in an interview with pro-government reformist daily Etemad, said authorities should forge an agreement not just with the United States but with its own people.

"The people in Iran are no less important than an agreement with America" for the survival of the political establishment, he said.

Abdi highlighted the divide between the government and the nation, exacerbated by waves of protests since 2017 and the violent suppression of the demonstrators by security forces, and called for pluralism and improved governance.

"Almost certainly, the Iranian side has made a decision at the top level of the government to reach an agreement" with the United States, Abdi said, adding that the rapid progress in talks suggested that some essential agreements were already in place before the two sides met.

Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, the former chief of the Iranian parliament's National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, told the pro-reform website Fararu that Tehran must abandon certain taboos if it seeks genuine progress.

"If Iran does not break those taboos, any achievement in the negotiations will not last long," he said.

The politician has previously spoken extensively about the need to move beyond Tehran's anti-Americanism, its reliance on China and Russia and its acknowledgment of past mistakes in its relationship with the Iranian people.

Iran's primary challenge, Falahatpisheh added, is on the home front, warning that persistent tensions could become increasingly costly.

During his visit to Moscow for the 18th session of the Iran-Russia Joint Economic Commission, Paknejad said on Thursday that the deals form part of broader efforts to expand strategic cooperation across sectors, including energy, finance, and agriculture.

“The potential for trade between Iran and Russia is far greater than the current $5 billion level,” he said, adding that additional memoranda of understanding are under negotiation in the oil and gas sectors. “Expert groups are actively working to finalize these talks and turn them into binding contracts.”

The oil minister also announced plans for a new nuclear power plant to be constructed in the country, financed by a credit line from Moscow.

Paknejad also said that discussions are underway on importing natural gas from Russia in an initial phase, followed by gas swaps and transit to other countries. “This is one of the key areas of interest for both sides,” he said. “We have had detailed negotiations, and only a few items remain before finalizing the first-phase import volumes.”

The minister added that the latest agreements follow the ratification of a long-term strategic cooperation treaty between Tehran and Moscow. “This is the first joint commission meeting since the treaty’s approval last week, and it opens new pathways for economic collaboration,” he said.

Separately, Saeed Tavakkoli, managing director of Iran’s National Gas Company, said progress has been made on an earlier agreement with Russia to transfer gas to northern Iran, where domestic production is limited. “This plan will help meet energy needs in northern provinces and contribute to Iran’s goal of becoming a regional gas hub,” he said.

Tavakkoli added that while further technical assessments are needed, current negotiations have been effective, and the project aligns with the targets of Iran’s seventh development plan.

The agreements come as Western sanction -- isolating Russia over Ukraine and Iran for its nuclear program, regional role, and human rights -- have spurred a rapid deepening of their ties.

Their shared predicament, alongside a common interest in countering US influence, underpins their growing partnership. Both nations are also exploring ways to bypass these restrictions, including using national currencies and alternative financial channels for trade.

But as Iran has reeled from the sudden death of a president, regional setbacks as well as deepening unrest and poverty, the rebranding by a conservative political fixture may be a calculated maneuver to survive in one of Tehran's most uncertain times.

In July 2021, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei appointed Mohseni-Ejei as Chief Justice following the election of another arch-reactionary cleric and former judge, Ebrahim Raisi, to the presidency.

But since taking office, he has gradually distanced himself from those of ultra-hardliners of the Paydari (Steadfastness) Party and other supporters of the former nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili.

He has also cultivated a relatively cooperative relationship with the moderate administration of President Masoud Pezeshkian and supported some of its moves including the push for the temporary suspension of a new and very strict hijab law that could provoke public unrest if implemented.

Once infamous for his hardline stance and alleged human rights violations, Mohseni-Ejei has also attempted to rebrand himself as a champion of anti-corruption, repeatedly emphasizing the theme in public speeches.

The political repositioning has drawn sharp criticism from ultra-hardliners. In recent months, Mohseni-Ejei even publicly criticized the late President Raisi after his death over the handling of high-profile corruption cases, angering the Paydari Party and other staunch conservatives.

The backlash centered on the Debsh Tea corruption case, in which two of Raisi’s ministers were implicated and received what critics view as lenient punishments.

Hardliners have also condemned the judiciary’s handling of a long-standing and politically sensitive case involving alleged corruption in a failed gas export agreement with the UAE known as the Crescent deal, accusing the judiciary of neglecting to prosecute key reformist figures including former oil minister Bijan Zanganeh.

Rise to prominence

Born in 1956, Mohseni-Ejei studied at the Haqqani School in Qom, a seminary known for producing many of Iran’s leading hardline clerics. He holds the religious title of Ayatollah, signaling his status as a mujtahid—a scholar authorized to independently interpret Islamic law.

His public profile rose dramatically in 1998 during the televised corruption trial of Gholam-Hossein Karbaschi, the reformist mayor of Tehran. Acting as both judge and prosecutor, Mohseni-Ejei’s confrontational courtroom exchanges with Karbaschi were broadcast by state television, elevating his public profile.

Later that year, in November 1998, Khamenei appointed him as Prosecutor General of the Special Clerical Court, a powerful institution that operates independently of the judiciary and prosecutes only members of the clergy, often for politically charged offenses.

Around the same time, Mohseni-Ejei also represented the judiciary on the Press Supervisory Board, which played a central role in the mass closure of reformist newspapers in April 2000, just one day after a sermon by Khamenei attacking the free press.

The crackdown led to the arrest of numerous journalists and the shuttering of dozens of publications, and one of the most colorful alleged episodes in the jurist's career.

Prominent journalist Isa Saharkhiz accused Mohseni-Ejei of going berserk at a 2004 meeting of the Press Supervisor Board and said the cleric threw a two bowls full of sugar cubes at him and went on the attack, biting him in the shoulder.

Saharkhiz filed a lawsuit, but the case was never investigated or brought to court.

Mohseni-Ejei's career soared nonetheless.

Intelligence minister

In August 2005, Mohseni-Ejei joined President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s cabinet as Minister of Intelligence. He held the post until July 2009, when he was dismissed in the aftermath of the unrest following Ahmadinejad’s disputed re-election.

Following a brief transitional period during which Ahmadinejad temporarily assumed control of the ministry, Heydar Moslehi was appointed as Mohseni-Ejei’s successor.

Sanctioned chief justice

In August 2009, shortly after leaving the cabinet, Mohseni-Ejei was appointed Prosecutor General of Iran by then-Chief Justice Sadeq Amoli-Larijani. He was later promoted to First Deputy to the Chief Justice in 2014, a position he held until his elevation to Chief Justice in 2021.

In 2011, both the United States Department of State and the European Union sanctioned Mohseni-Ejei for his role in the deadly suppression of protests following the disputed 2009 elections, citing serious human rights abuses.

Khamenei has largely silenced Tehran's hardliners ahead of the third round of talks with Washington but some opposition persists within his own office.

Two newspapers funded and maintained by Khamenei’s office —Kayhan and Ettela'at —have been presenting starkly different perspectives on the talks over the past week. Both are among Iran’s oldest newspapers, and their top management is personally appointed by the Supreme Leader.

Kayhan, known for its consistently anti-US stance, has maintained a hardline, pessimistic view on the negotiations, even after Khamenei’s rhetoric softened in his recent speeches.

The newspaper insists that "the talks will lead to nowhere." Previously, the daily had writted "negotiating with the United States would be foolish." In a controversial satirical commentary, Kayhan even called for the assassination of President Donald Trump.

The newspaper’s editor, Hossein Shariatmadari, wrote on April 18 that "Iran is engaged in a hybrid war with the United States, and the Iranian government should adopt a combat posture against Washington."

Later, on April 22, the daily quoted IRGC-linked Defa Press website as saying, "Iran is sufficiently armed with top-secret weapons to attack Diego Garcia and confront US and British forces there. Iran’s Shahed-136 drones can reach Diego Garcia, located approximately 4,000 kilometers from its borders."

The report added, "Iran can set fire to Diego Garcia with its improved Khorramshahr ballistic missiles, while its cruise missiles can target massive U.S. vessels in the Indian Ocean."

Although the articles may be a mix of falsehoods, disinformation and wishful thinking, they appear to reflect abiding suspicions of the diplomatic outreach among hardliners.

'Embarrassing themselves'

Earlier, Ettela'at had welcomed the negotiations. In an analysis published on April 22, the newspaper sought to expose "those who are undermining the talks."

"Three groups in Iran are attempting to obstruct the negotiations. Although they are too weak to derail the process entirely, they might succeed in discouraging some people and embarrassing themselves."

In an apparent reference to previous Iranian governments and their leaders, Ettela'at identified the first group as "those who question why negotiations were not allowed when they were in power and could have claimed them as their own achievement."

The second group, according to the newspaper, consists of "those who equate negotiations and compromise with treason. They chant radical slogans, create tensions, and sometimes their rhetoric proves costly for the government. On occasion, they even incite small protests in the streets." T

This appeared to be a clear reference to ultraconservatives, such as members of the ultra-conservative Paydari Party and the editors of Kayhan.

The third group attempting to obstruct the negotiations, Ettela'at wrote, is "the foreign-based Iranian opposition," which the newspaper characterized as "bankrupt opportunists."

"Let us support détente and the ongoing negotiations," the daily insisted.

This development could be seen as an extension of Khamenei's "good cop-bad cop" strategy. However, the timing –just as negotiations continue—and the stark contrast between the two perspectives strongly suggest a deeper divide within Khamenei's office.

While pockets of resistance against a potential deal with Washington persist, some Iranians—such as sociologist Ebrahim Fayyaz—are already considering the aftermath of an agreement.

Characterizing the negotiations as inevitable, Fayyaz said in an interview with Khabar Online, "This is the first time Iranians are engaging in negotiations with a world power on equal footing."

At the same time, he warned that radical rhetoric from hardliners, particularly those affiliated with Iran’s state television, could point to serious internal instability.