Iran International
Judges Mohammad Moghiseh and Ali Razini, assassinated in Tehran on January 18, had decades-long histories of handing down death sentences and lengthy prison terms to dissidents in numerous cases.
Nizar Zakka, head of Hostage Aid Worldwide, was abducted in 2015 by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) after attending a conference in Tehran.
The US-Lebanese dual national was locked up four years in Iran’s notorious Evin prison, spending 18 months in solitary confinement, despite being officially invited to the country by a Vice President at the time.
Zakka was released June 2019 in exchange for Negar Qods Kani, an Iranian prisoner in the United States.
“The whole concept of hostage taking has been created and developed by the Islamic Republic of Iran. They (Iran) have built their foreign policy based on hostage taking,” said Zakka on this week’s episode of Eye for Iran podcast.
Hamas and Iran - which arms, funds and trains the Palestinian militant group - had high hopes for the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel which killed 1,200 soldiers and civilians and saw the abduction of 250 foreign and Israeli hostages.
Both framed the deadliest day in Israel's history as the beginning of the end of their hated enemy. But after Israel's fearsome incursion into Gaza devastated the enclave, killing nearly 45 thousand Palestinians, and air strikes pounded Iran and its allies for 15 months, Zakka says Iran is unlikely to view hostage-taking so favorably.
“It's a big lesson that (hostage diplomacy) will not work,” said Zakka.
One of Hamas senior leaders Khalil al-Hayya characterized the ceasefire deal as success for the group, defining it as a "historic moment."
"Our people have thwarted the declared and hidden goals of the occupation. Today we prove that the occupation will never defeat our people and their resistance,” al-Hayya said in a televised speech from Qatar.
Zakka said in fact Iran and its proxy lost their ability to negotiate with people's lives the moment a ceasefire was reached.
It is no coincidence that hostages are at the center of the conflict between Hamas and Israel, Zakka said, as Hamas is carrying on a tradition from the inception of the Islamic Republic after revolutionaries in 1979 seized the US embassy and dozens of US hostages in Tehran in 1979.
The Islamic Republic has for nearly five decades sought to trade foreign detainees with governments in exchange for prisoners or economic and political concessions.
Tehran's brief jailing of an Italian journalist last month, ongoing imprisonment of two French nationals and the recent death of a Swiss national in custody on espionage charges has underscored the issue. Iran denies it engages in hostage diplomacy.
The failure of Iran’s militant proxies and the agreement that on principle has been reached between both sides demonstrates that Tehran’s foreign policy tactic doesn’t have the sway it used to, according to Zakka.
Iran sees it otherwise. The IRGC referred to the ceasefire as a victory for Gaza and the Palestinian people.
A blood-splattered mural depicting Israeli hostages in Gaza was unveiled in Tehran last year with the message: “No hostage will be released,” written in Farsi and Hebrew. Now, it appears, they will.
If the Israeli cabinet and government formally approve the ceasefire, the first six-week phase will take effect on January 19.
The deal reached Wednesday would see the release of 33 hostages over the next six weeks in exchange for hundreds of Palestinians imprisoned in Israel. The Jewish state would pull back in parts of Gaza allowing the return of displaced Palestinians along with humanitarian aid.
Ceasefire role
“I am so happy. I love it. I did a lot. I worked a lot. Yesterday on Israeli TV Channel 12, they said that the ceasefire was made because of my advocacy and my work," said Zakka.
Zakka was in direct contact with President-elect Donald Trump, encouraging him to take a firm stance to bring back all the hostages, not just Americans among them.
Trump, Zakka said, listened.
“I asked President Trump to pressure Bibi Netanyahu,” said Zakka, "We explained to President Trump that if he would accept to make a deal for only four Americans and leave the rest behind, that would be like signing the death certificate for all the other hostages in Gaza. I told Trump that Bibi Netanyahu will kill everybody."
The conversations between Zakka and Trump took place over WhatsApp and email, he said.
Zakka said the bombing of Gaza also puts the lives of Israeli hostages in jeopardy too. When he was imprisoned in Iran, he said he used to pray for the Americans to bomb the IRGC facilities but with the devastation in Gaza, he realized that would put innocent lives at risk too.
"I feel so much for these people because they are bombed by Israel, their own country, and then taken hostage by Hamas, using them as a human shield."
Ending hostage diplomacy
The American-Lebanese technology expert and former businessman has made it his life's mission to make sure Iran does not engage in future hostage-taking and helping save the lives of other hostages.
Speaking on Eye for Iran, Zakka was in Damascus searching the underground cells for Austin Tice, a US journalist who disappeared during ousted President Bashar al-Assad’s rule.
He is now considered missing, and Hostage Aid Worldwide believes he is being held against his will in a safehouse. Zakka declined to elaborate to protect the investigation.
Zakka is also lobbying the United Nations (UN) to strengthen the International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages to include punishments for violators and for the UN manage talks with countries that engage in hostage diplomacy.
When Iran detained Italian reporter Cecilia Sala last month, for example, Italy negotiated directly for her release.
“We cannot let the Iranian regime negotiate with each country separately, take hostages, and get away with it," Zakka said. "We need to stand together as an international community against hostage-taking.”
To watch the full episode of Eye for Iran featuring Nizar Zakka, you can watch it on YouTube or listen on Spotify, Apple, Amazon, Castbox or any major podcast platform.
The cases handled by the two judges, both of the clerical rank of hojjat ol-eslam, involved political dissidents, activists, followers of the Baha’i faith, dissident clerics, and those accused of security-related "crimes."
Moghiseh and Razini were targeted at the Supreme Court’s headquarters in central Tehran.
Both Razini and Moghiseh were frequently referred to as "hanging judges" by critics and are primarily remembered for their roles in the 1988 mass executions of political prisoners.
Judge Ali Razini
Born in the western Hamedan Province in 1953, Razini held a variety of high-ranking judicial positions over his career. He began serving as a magistrate in the Revolutionary Court of Tehran as early as 1980, just a year after the Islamic Revolution, when he was only 23.
Razini went on to hold numerous senior roles, including:
At the time of his assassination, Razini served as the chief of Branch 41 of the Supreme Court. However, specific details about his appointment to this position remain unclear.
Razini had survived another assassination attempt by a member of Mahdaviyat, a dissident radical Shia group devoted to the Cult of the 12th Imam, Mahdi, in January 1998 when he was the head of the Tehran Department of Justice.
Judge Mohammad Moghishe
Judge Mohammad Moghiseh, born in Sabzevar in 1956, was appointed to the Supreme Court in November 2020 and headed its Branch 53 at the time of his assassination. Prior to this, he served as the chief judge of the Islamic Revolutionary Court in Tehran where he had a record of over thirty years as a judge. Moghiseh was known to use aliases, including "Naserian."
In December 2019, the US Treasury sanctioned Moghiseh and Judge Abolghasem Salavati, the head of the Tehran Revolutionary Court, for human rights violations.
Moghiseh was among the security and judicial officials involved in pursuing the execution of prisoners during the 1980s, particularly in the summer of 1988.
Survivors of those executions have described him as one of the harshest judicial figures in the prisons of the 1980s.
Role in prison purges of the 1988
The mass executions in 1988 targeted members of the MEK (Mojahedin-e Khalq) and, to a lesser extent, leftist prisoners. These executions, which began in July, were carried out based on two orders issued by Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini. Many of the victims were teenagers or people in their 20s, serving prison sentences as political activists, with no history of armed actions against the government.
The condemned were subjected to brief interrogations by "death committees," which included future President Ebrahim Raisi. These sessions, often lasting only a few minutes, determined the prisoners' fates based on their willingness to denounce their political views and affiliations.
Estimates of the number of victims vary widely. Historian Ervand Abrahamian places the figure between 2,500 and 6,000, while the MEK claims the toll is as high as 30,000.
Many victims were buried in unmarked mass graves, such as the Khavaran cemetery near Tehran. Their families were often denied accurate death certificates and were barred from visiting the graves to mourn their loved ones.
