Iran International
Three Iranian Kurdish armed groups have been relocated to a "less accessible" camp in Iraqi Kurdistan after months of pressure from Tehran on both the Kurdistan Regional Government and Iraq’s central government.
Iran has long accused the semi-autonomous Kurdish government in northern Iraq of harboring groups, all under the Komala name, which Tehran labels as terrorist organizations. The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has frequently launched attacks on their bases, claiming these groups pose a threat to the security of the Islamic Republic.
In March 2023, the governments of Iran and Iraq signed a ‘border security’ agreement that was, in essence, a plan to curb the activities of Iran’s Kurdish opposition groups in Iraq. The agreement led to partial evacuation of Komala bases in September 2023. The move now seems to have been completed, with the three Kurdish parties, with military wings, leaving their camps in the Zirgwez region near Sulaymaniyah and settling in camps in Suwardash near Dukan.
The new location is in fact closer to the border with Iran but less accessible, according to Komala sources who talked to Iran International on condition of anonymity. “The ability to transport and maintain weapons, especially the semi-heavy and heavy weapons of the Peshmerga forces, has effectively been taken from them,” one member said.
He added that by forcing a move of the Komala inside another country’s territory, Iran's government has sent a “clear message” that it can do “whatever it wants” and neither the Iraqi central government nor the Kurdish Regional Government of Iraq can stop it.
The groups say they oppose the clerical regime in Iran, but many Iranians also view them as separatists, who harbor designs on Iran's Kurdish populated areas in the west.
Iran’s government, through its IRGC Quds Force, enjoys considerable sway over authorities in Iraq, both in Baghdad and Erbil, the Kurdish regional capital. On occasions, however, the relationship has bittered over IRGC attacks on Kurdish groups.
Tehran Erbil security cooperation
Nechirvan Barzani, the President of Iraq's Kurdistan Region, made an unexpected visit to Iran in May, where he met with top leaders, sparking strong criticism from opponents of the Iranian regime.
During his visit, Barzani engaged with key figures of the government, including Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, heads of executive and legislative bodies, the commander-in-chief of the IRGC, the foreign minister, and the secretary of the Supreme National Security Council.
The timing and nature of Barzani's visit, coming months after the IRGC's missile attack on the Kurdistan Region, raised questions about its motives. The high-profile meetings suggest that the discussions likely focused on mutual security concerns.
In January, the Iraqi government recalled its ambassador from Tehran after an IRGC missile attack on Erbil killed four civilians and injured six others. The attack caused a popular outrage in Iraqi Kurdistan and thousands took to the streets denouncing the IRGC's ‘free hand’ in their region.
The IRGC claimed the target had been an Israeli “spy headquarter” in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, but the Kurdish prime minister Masrour Barzani categorically denied the claims and called the attack a “crime against the Kurdish people.”
The officials, members of the Supreme Council of the Stock Exchange, orchestrated the generous loans with lenient repayment periods and minimal interest rates while Iran’s economy remains on the brink of collapse.
Majid Eshghi, Chairman of the Board of the Securities and Exchange Organization, received the largest loan, 27 billion rials ($45,000), with just 4% interest over a 10 year period. To put this amount in perspective, and ordinary worker in Iran earns just $200 a month.
The loans were approved during the final days of the Raisi government, bypassing orders from both acting president Mohammad Mokhber and president-elect Masoud Pezeshkian. Experts warn that the move threatens to destabilize Iran’s capital market by further eroding investor confidence.
Other council members, including Alireza Nasserpour, Reza Eivazlou, Mehrdad Masoudifar, and Hassan Farajzadeh Dehkurdi, each received 19 billion rials (over $31,000) in loans.
On Thursday, Abdolnasser Hemmati, Iran’s Minister of Economy, announced the launch of an “urgent expert review” into the scandal. Many view this as a mere formality, with little expectation of accountability in a system where officials have long shielded themselves from public scrutiny.
Iman Aghayari, a political activist, told Iran International that corruption in Iran has evolved into a kleptocracy, becoming ingrained as a behavioral model. “At the top, there is a person [Ali Khamenei] who treats the entire country as his personal property, and at the lower levels, others believe they must plunder the limited resources available to them," he said.
Iran’s Central Bank is already under fire for reports of astronomical loans being granted by major banks to their own employees and subsidiaries. According to a report released by the Central Bank last week, these institutions funneled over 9,100 trillion rials ($1.5 billion) in loans to their employees, managers, and board members in 2023 alone.
Two of the most politically influential banks, Mellat and Sepah, are the lead suspects, both notorious for their involvement in Tehran’s military and nuclear programs, which have brought crippling international sanctions upon Iran. Mellat Bank alone issued 190 trillion rials ($315 million) in loans to its subsidiaries last year, with Sepah Bank not far behind, distributing 145 trillion rials ($240 million).
Not only are these government banks controlled by regime insiders, but their subsidiary companies also serve as strongholds for political appointees and nepotism.
In contrast, ordinary Iranians face challenges securing loans for housing, marriage, or entrepreneurship, with delays and denials becoming the norm. Marriage loans, crucial for thousands of young couples, have been sidelined, while bank employees are handed fortunes with ease.
The disparity in access to loans is vast between Iran's elite and the ordinary citizen. For bank employees, loan ceilings can reach over 10 billion rials ($16,000), while retirees, struggling to survive on meagre pensions, are limited to loans of just 300 million rials ($500). Meanwhile, tenants and entrepreneurs face long waiting lists as banks cite financial shortfalls.
Around one in three Iranians now lives below the poverty line as inflation has exceeded 40% for the last five years leaving many struggling with basic costs such as food and housing.