President Donald Trump faces a difficult choice between resuming military strikes against Iran, pursuing a negotiated agreement or maintaining economic pressure following Republicans' sweeping midterm election losses, Axios reported Wednesday.
The report said Trump had acknowledged that the Iran war contributed to the Republican defeat but remained undecided about his next move, leaving even close advisers uncertain about his intentions.
According to Axios, Vice President JD Vance has led a group within Trump's inner circle urging him to reach an agreement with Tehran rather than resume military operations.
Vance privately criticized Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's assessment of Iran and warned that the unpopular war could cost Republicans the election, sources told Axios.
Despite those warnings, Trump had leaned toward resuming strikes and at one point considered attacking Iran before the midterms, as Netanyahu had urged him to do, the report said.
US officials told Axios that the military was completing preparations for a possible resumption of major combat operations against Iran, including deploying additional assets to the region.
At the same time, Qatari mediators were working to secure US and Iranian support for a draft agreement intended to prevent renewed fighting and potentially restart direct negotiations in the coming days.
Axios reported that CIA Director John Ratcliffe, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and other advisers favored maintaining the US naval blockade and economic pressure campaign to increase pressure on Tehran.
Iran's Supreme National Security Council Secretary Mohsen Rezaei celebrated the Republican election defeat as a victory for Tehran.
“The Iranian nation handed Trump a strategic defeat on the battlefield and in the Hormuz — and a POLITICAL DEFEAT in Washington,” Rezaei wrote on X.
Diplomats involved in mediation efforts, Trump advisers and Middle East experts told Axios that Iran's reaction could increase the likelihood of Trump returning to military action.
Trump, meanwhile, said Wednesday that the war had contributed to higher gasoline prices but insisted he would launch it again to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.
Asked when the conflict would end, Trump replied, “Whenever I wanted to. But it's got to be done right, because they can't have a nuclear weapon.”
US House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries speaks at a Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC) midterm election night watch party as election results point toward Democrats regaining control of the US House of Representatives, in Washington, DC.
Democratic leaders vowed Wednesday to push for an end to the Iran war and tackle rising living costs after sweeping US midterm election victories handed their party control of both chambers of Congress.
"It's important for the president, before we even cross over into the new Congress, to end this war in Iran," House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries told MS Now's Morning Joe programme.
Jeffries blamed what he called Trump's "reckless and costly war of choice in Iran" for driving up fuel and fertiliser costs, contributing to higher prices for groceries and other goods.
The Democrats' victories in Tuesday's elections gave them control of both the House of Representatives and Senate, reversing Republican majorities and potentially allowing them to constrain President Donald Trump's agenda during the final two years of his presidency.
Democrats flipped at least seven Republican-held Senate seats, winning in Texas, Kansas, Iowa, Ohio, Maine, North Carolina and South Carolina. They also captured more than two dozen Republican-held House districts, including areas Trump had won comfortably in the 2024 presidential election.
Among the most notable results, James Talarico became the first Democrat elected to the Senate from Texas since 1988, defeating Republican Ken Paxton. Democrats also retained competitive Senate seats in Georgia and Michigan.
The scale of the victories reflected voter dissatisfaction over high living costs, the war with Iran and concerns about government corruption, according to Associated Press voter polling.
Democratic leaders demand an end to Iran war
Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer said the incoming majority could use congressional control over government spending to push for an end to military operations against Iran.
"This war must end. It must end," Schumer told reporters Wednesday.
He said Congress's "power of the purse" was one way to restrain a president conducting a war without the consent of the American people.
Jeffries, who is set to become House speaker when the new Congress convenes in January, said the party's priority would be reducing the cost of groceries, gasoline, housing and healthcare.
"We ran on affordability. We won on affordability," he said.
Trump and Vance acknowledge war's impact
Vice President JD Vance blamed the Iran war for Republicans' losses, writing on X that "the reason we lost is the war."
Trump acknowledged Wednesday that the conflict had likely contributed to the electoral defeat by pushing up gasoline prices, but defended his decision to launch military action against Tehran.
"I think it's largely true because it drove the gasoline up a little bit short term," Trump said when asked about Vance's assessment.
He insisted the war had been necessary to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons and said he would make the same decision again.
"I can tell you that as far as that war is concerned, I would have done nothing different," he said.
Trump also argued that Republicans would have won if he had been on the ballot, saying the enthusiasm he attracted at campaign rallies had not transferred to other Republican candidates.
The Democratic takeover of Congress will give the party greater power to investigate the Trump administration, challenge its legislative agenda and potentially restrict military funding.
However, Trump will retain the presidency and veto power, meaning congressional control alone will not give Democrats the authority to end the war.
Tehran hails results, warn against further strikes
Iranian officials portrayed the Democratic victories as a rejection of Trump's military campaign, although Tehran remained wary of renewed US attacks.
"Conscience or the cost of living, Americans said NO TO WAR, and we endorse this message," Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf wrote on X Wednesday.
Ghalibaf, who has led Iran's negotiations with Washington, warned the US government against disregarding voters' message by launching further strikes.
Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, however, dismissed expectations that a change in the balance of power in Washington would alter US hostility toward Tehran.
A written statement attributed to Khamenei warned against "even the slightest inclination towards submission" to the United States, saying Washington's approach would persist regardless of which party was in power.
"The US sees the end of its hegemony as distant; we see it as near," Khamenei added.
Two senior Iranian sources cited by Reuters said that while Tehran welcomed the Democratic victories, Iranian leaders feared Trump could attempt to compensate for his electoral setback with renewed military action.
A man holds a placard reading “No peace as long as oppressor exists” during a state-organised rally in Tehran marking the anniversary of the 1979 seizure of the US embassy, November 4, 2026
The prospect of another war with Israel and the United States continues to dominate debate in Tehran despite a stinging electoral rebuke to President Donald Trump, driven in part by his military campaign against Iran.
On Iranian state television and in state-aligned media, commentators are debating how to make Tehran's threats of retaliation more credible, with proposals ranging from devastating attacks on military and energy infrastructure to changes in Iran's nuclear posture.
Speaking on the state television programme Be Vaght-e Iran (Iran Time) on Tuesday, international relations analyst Mostafa Najafi argued that Iran's previous military responses had failed to convince Israel that another conflict would carry sufficiently high costs.
Najafi said Israelis had experienced the impact of Iranian missile attacks during the second week of the 12-day war, but that the damage had been less significant during the subsequent 40-day war.
He cited Israeli polling that he said showed 60% of Israelis continued to support military action against Iran, potentially encouraging Israel to launch another operation.
"Any new deterrence equation must credibly convey to the Israeli enemy that if another confrontation occurs, the consequences will go beyond those of the 12-day war, the 40-day war, and the subsequent True Promise 1 and True Promise 2 operations," he said.
Najafi claimed that Iranian decision-makers had resolved to inflict considerably greater damage on Israel in any future confrontation. He argued that Tehran should demonstrate its ability to retaliate within minutes of an attack, sending credible signals before hostilities begin rather than waiting for another war.
Another panellist, Vahid Khazab, argued that Tehran should warn Washington that any new conflict would involve attacks on energy infrastructure.
He cited the attack on Qatar's Ras Laffan energy complex as an example of the damage Iran could inflict, claiming that it had not yet returned to production, unlike Saudi Arabia's East-West Pipeline, which Riyadh had restored after an attack.
Khazab said Israel should also be warned that Iranian retaliation would target its infrastructure.
The discussion has continued even as the war's political consequences become increasingly apparent in Washington. Democrats won control of both chambers of Congress in Tuesday's midterm elections, with Trump acknowledging that the Iran war contributed to Republican losses. Vice President JD Vance went further, identifying the conflict as the principal reason for the defeat.
European targets enter the discussion
The debate comes amid increasingly expansive threats in Iranian state-aligned media about the geographical scope of any future conflict.
Referring to a recently reported meeting between Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei and senior military commanders, Najafi said Tehran had previously warned that another war would become a regional conflict.
He argued that Khamenei's reported instruction to respond to attacks "without any geographical limitations" should now be treated as a credible threat by Iran's adversaries.
On Tuesday, Tehran Municipality-affiliated Hamshahri newspaper published a map of Europe and reported that Iran's armed forces were updating their list of potential targets "without geographical limitations."
The newspaper suggested that US air and naval bases, logistical facilities and other military infrastructure in Europe could be targeted if Washington and Israel attacked Iran's strategic infrastructure.
It also raised the possibility of extending the range of Iranian ballistic missiles, potentially bringing US bases in Europe within reach.
Nuclear doctrine and the NPT
The discussion has also extended to whether Iran should reconsider its nuclear doctrine and its commitments under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).
Najafi criticised Tehran for repeatedly threatening to change its nuclear doctrine before the 12-day and 40-day wars without following through, arguing that this had weakened its deterrence.
He said Iran needed to make a clear decision before another confrontation and communicate it through official channels, backed by a broader national consensus.
"Before the war, the message must be conveyed in every possible way to the other side and to all other parties, including hostile parties and allies who, in one way or another, play a role in our nuclear file," he said.
Najafi argued that changing Iran's nuclear doctrine would not necessarily require withdrawal from the NPT. He suggested Tehran could instead reduce its commitments under the treaty, while warning that withdrawal without a corresponding change in deterrence capabilities could expose Iran to additional threats.
"If you are going to make a change, and that change necessarily involves withdrawing from the NPT, without translating it into nuclear deterrence, I don't think it will create deterrence. It could even create additional threats against the country," he said.
Khazab offered a different approach, claiming he had received reliable information that Iranian decision-makers were considering using the threat of NPT withdrawal as a bargaining chip.
He suggested Tehran could seek concessions, including sanctions relief, in exchange for remaining in the treaty.
Khazab added that any such move would depend on Washington first meeting Iran's seven conditions for ending the war.
A Revolutionary Court in Tehran has sentenced social media activist Amirhossein Mousavi to death on charges of "corruption on earth" over his activity on X, his lawyer said Wednesday.
In a post on X, Mousavi's lawyer, Reza Shafakhah, said his client had been sentenced over his online activity under the account name "James Bidin."
The sentence was issued by Branch 15 of Tehran's Revolutionary Court, presided over by Judge Abolghasem Salavati, who is under US, British and European Union sanctions over his role in human rights abuses.
Mousavi, 42, who has been detained since December 2024, was also sentenced to five years in prison for "insulting religious sanctities," his sister said on X.
His sister, Saeideh Mousavi, condemned the ruling and called for it to be overturned.
"We condemn this unjust sentence and demand its reversal and that Amirhossein's life be saved," she wrote.
She said her brother had used his online presence to amplify the voices of political prisoners and families of people killed during protests in Iran.
"His only crime was writing about and highlighting the suffering of people whose voices were rarely heard," she wrote, adding: "Writing about people's suffering is not a crime!"
The death sentence also prompted messages of support from other X users, some of whom echoed his sister's appeal.
"He was our voice for years. Now it's our turn to be his," one user wrote.
Another warned that the ruling could have wider implications for Iranians expressing their views online.
"Today, Amirhossein Mousavi was sentenced. Tomorrow, it could be you or me," the user wrote. "We must speak up for him before it's too late."
Mousavi had also received support from families of slain protesters before Wednesday's verdict.
Shabnam Eskandari, whose brother Mohammadreza Eskandari was killed during the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom protests in Pakdasht, near Tehran, praised Mousavi for helping bereaved families keep the memories of their loved ones alive.
In an October 10 post on X, Eskandari recalled how Mousavi had repeatedly shared posts about her brother and other slain protesters.
"It was James Bidin who constantly shared posts from our families' accounts and repeatedly wrote the names of our loved ones," she wrote.
Solitary confinement, televised confession
Mousavi was arrested on December 18, 2024, at Tehran's Mehrabad Airport while preparing to travel to the southern Iranian island of Kish, according to HRANA.
His lawyer previously said security agencies had monitored Mousavi's X account for nearly six months before identifying him through his activity on the platform.
His prosecution has drawn attention over allegations of prolonged solitary confinement, physical abuse and a televised confession that Mousavi subsequently said had been obtained through threats and coercion.
On October 6, 2025, Iranian state television aired footage of Mousavi during its 20:30 news programme, presenting statements linking him to alleged intelligence activities involving Israel.
Mousavi later rejected the allegations in a letter from Evin Prison, saying interrogators had forced him to participate in the televised interview after months of physical and psychological pressure.
He said he had spent 148 days in solitary confinement, been subjected to beatings and faced threats involving his wife, who had also been arrested.
According to Mousavi, interrogators threatened to detain her again unless he agreed to the interview.
He said his statements had been made under pressure and at the prompting of interrogators, and that state television had selectively edited and distorted his remarks before broadcasting them.
Mousavi also denied supplying Israel with information about sensitive military facilities or maintaining contact with agents of Mossad, Israel's intelligence agency, saying he had never had access to classified information.
Iranian state television has a long history of broadcasting confessions by detainees accused of espionage, national security offences and involvement in anti-government protests.
Human rights organisations have repeatedly criticised the practice, warning that confessions obtained under duress have been used in criminal proceedings, including cases resulting in death sentences.
Hundreds under death sentence
Mousavi's sentence comes amid growing concern over Iran's use of capital punishment against political prisoners and people detained during nationwide anti-government protests in January 2026.
Although Mousavi was arrested before those demonstrations, his case comes as Iranian courts continue to issue death sentences against protesters and other defendants accused of political and national security offences.
An Iran International review of cases involving political charges indicates that approximately 220 prisoners are currently under sentence of death, up from around 194 recorded in early October.
Iran Human Rights, a Norway-based rights organisation, reported Tuesday that at least 691 people had been executed in Iran during the first 10 months of 2026.
Of those, 81 were executed on security-related charges, a category that includes political prisoners, protesters, people accused of espionage and other defendants.
The organisation said 36 protesters were among those executed during the period, including 34 arrested in connection with the January uprising and two associated with the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom protests.
File photo: Iran's Bandar Imam petrochemical plant
Iran may be able to repair much of its war-damaged energy infrastructure without new Western technology. Whether it can rebuild a modern, reliable energy industry is another question.
Successive rounds of US and Israeli strikes have damaged oil storage facilities, gas-processing plants and petrochemical infrastructure.
Iranian engineers, supported by suppliers from China and Russia, may be able to restore substantial capacity.
But sanctions, limited investment, ageing equipment and the threat of further attacks complicate the prospects for lasting recovery.
Satellite analysis by the Conflict and Environment Observatory (CEOBS) following the June 14, 2025 attacks confirmed the destruction of four storage tanks at Tehran's Shahran depot.
The same analysis documented damage at South Pars Phase 14, where Iranian state media reported a temporary halt to 12 million cubic metres of daily gas production.
Further attacks in March 2026 damaged oil storage facilities at Shahran, Aqdasieh and Karaj, as well as the Tehran refinery site, according to CEOBS.
The International Energy Agency also identified damage to South Pars gas-processing facilities following strikes on Asaluyeh.
Petrochemical infrastructure suffered additional damage. Industry publication ICIS reported that April 4 strikes hit the Fajr 1 and Fajr 2 utility plants in Mahshahr, while the Bandar Imam complex sustained partial damage.
The Fajr facilities supply essential utilities to other industrial plants, meaning damage to them can disrupt production well beyond the immediate impact sites.
Challenges ahead
Some recovery has already been reported. On September 23, Reuters cited an Iranian official as saying that half the damaged South Pars capacity had been restored, although independent verification remained limited.
Iran has considerable domestic engineering expertise. Local contractors have continued developing oil and gas fields despite sanctions, while engineers at MAPNA have reported successful tests of upgraded heavy-duty turbines.
But repairing the physical damage caused by war is only one of the challenges facing an industry already struggling with years of underinvestment and restrictions on access to specialised technology.
As gas reservoirs mature, declining pressure can reduce production unless additional compression equipment is installed. Maintaining output therefore requires investment even at facilities that have escaped military attacks.
The problem is particularly acute at South Pars, the vast gas field shared with Qatar.
According to the US Energy Information Administration (EIA), the withdrawal of foreign partners disrupted plans for offshore compression at South Pars Phase 11.
The gap is even more pronounced in liquefied natural gas (LNG).
Iran has long sought to develop LNG exports, but sanctions-related technology restrictions have helped stall those ambitions, according to the EIA.
Restoring damaged gas-processing equipment could help recover domestic supplies. It would not, however, create a competitive LNG export industry, which requires specialised liquefaction technology, financing, shipping arrangements and long-term customers.
Moscow and Beijing to the rescue?
China and Russia offer potential alternatives to Western suppliers, but neither can be assumed to finance or rebuild Iran's energy industry on the scale required.
China is a major buyer of Iranian oil and could provide equipment, engineering services and project financing. Yet purchasing discounted crude does not necessarily translate into a willingness to undertake expensive, long-term infrastructure projects.
The EIA has documented the withdrawal of China's CNPC from South Pars Phase 11 after US sanctions were reimposed. Chinese companies considering new projects must still assess payment security, access to equipment and the returns available from investments elsewhere.
Russian assistance faces similar constraints.
A $40 billion memorandum of understanding signed between Gazprom and the National Iranian Oil Company in 2022 raised expectations of extensive Russian involvement. But the Congressional Research Service has questioned Russia's financial resources and commercial interest in expanding Iranian gas exports.
Reconstruction depends not on the value of memoranda but on financing secured, equipment delivered and facilities brought back into operation.
Damage, repair, repeat
Sanctions and restrictions on international payments limit Iran's access to foreign capital and imported equipment, while disruptions to oil exports further constrain the revenues available for reconstruction.
Even where Iran has the money and technical capacity to rebuild, the possibility of renewed military attacks creates another obstacle.
Although President Donald Trump has expressed skepticism about renewed strikes, US and Israeli planners have reportedly considered further attacks on Iranian petrochemical facilities.
The possibility of renewed strikes complicates long-term reconstruction. Companies may be reluctant to finance projects, supply specialised equipment or deploy personnel to facilities that could be attacked again.
This makes reconstruction priorities particularly important. Restoring gas treatment facilities and shared industrial utilities may bring multiple downstream operations back online, while repairing an isolated export facility may offer limited benefits if its supply connections remain disrupted.
Recovery timelines will also vary considerably. Some damaged units could restart within weeks or months if equipment is available, while major replacements and technological upgrades may take years.
Iran's engineers and its Chinese and Russian partners may be able to restore much of the damaged infrastructure.
But without sustained investment, specialised technology and protection against further attacks, Tehran risks becoming trapped in a cycle of destruction and repair rather than achieving lasting recovery.
A plastic skeleton appears from the sunroof of a vehicle parked in front of the Capitol Hill in Washington, DC, US, October 31, 2026.
The Democrats' victory in the US midterm elections has drawn mixed reactions from Iran International's audience, with some criticizing Donald Trump's prolonged indecision over Iran and others maintaining that Democratic control of Congress will not prevent military action.
Democrats regained control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate from Republicans in the November 3 elections, ending two years of Republican control.
The outcome does not change Trump's presidential powers during his remaining two years in the White House, but could influence his administration's decisions, including its approach toward the Islamic Republic.
"Don't celebrate too soon. An angry Trump is far more lethal to you than a happy Trump," one wrote, addressing Islamic Republic officials.
Islamic Republic warned against early celebrations
Officials and supporters of the Islamic Republic have sought to portray the election results as a victory for themselves and a defeat for Trump's policies.
However, comments shared with Iran International reflected different perspectives, including concerns about the consequences of the vote and warnings against premature celebrations by Iranian authorities.
Several people suggested that such celebrations reflected a misunderstanding of the US political system and the powers Trump retains as president.
"Islamic Republic officials are talking as if they don't realize Trump still has two years in office. Even that amount of time is enough to finish the job," one user wrote.
Another commenter pointed out that congressional elections would not necessarily prevent military action against the Islamic Republic, suggesting Trump could use his veto powers to counter congressional opposition.
The new Congress will take office on January 3, 2027.
Trump previously said that a Democratic victory could force him to use his presidential veto so frequently that he might become known as "Mr. Veto."
Democratic majorities could increase congressional oversight of the administration and impose budgetary restrictions on military operations. However, overriding a presidential veto requires a two-thirds majority of members present and voting in both chambers.
Trump's delays over Iran draw criticism
A substantial portion of the comments criticized Trump's handling of the confrontation with the Islamic Republic, particularly his shifting positions on negotiations, economic pressure and military action.
Some expressed frustration over the prolonged uncertainty, saying Trump's approach had prevented him from fulfilling his promises and cost him an opportunity to end the war and bring about political change in Iran.
"Trump prolonged this uncertainty for so long, talking about war one day and negotiations the next, that he missed the opportunity to overthrow the Islamic Republic and turned what could have been a victory into a defeat," one commenter wrote.
Another accused Trump of excessive accommodation, saying his approach had given the Islamic Republic time to delay negotiations, use diplomacy to avoid further confrontation and escape additional Israeli strikes.
Others described the administration's approach as a "cat-and-mouse game" or a strategy of pursuing contradictory policies.
Trump said on November 2, a day before the elections, that he was in no hurry to resume the war and preferred to continue economic pressure to persuade Iran to accept an agreement.
The US president also said military action would remain an option if negotiations failed.
S House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY) walks down the House steps on Capitol Hill in Washington, DC, US, September 30, 2026.
One citizen questioned Trump's apparent expectation that economic hardship would drive Iranians into the streets, pointing to the armed repression protesters face alongside their worsening living conditions.
Another blamed Trump for missing an opportunity to continue military strikes following the killing of Ali Khamenei. A separate commenter accused the US president of halting the momentum toward overthrowing the Islamic Republic by preventing further Israeli operations.
Other comments cited continued executions, economic hardship and threats to Iran's critical infrastructure as evidence that Trump's approach had failed to produce meaningful results.
Can a Democratic Congress constrain Trump?
Other Iran International audience questioned whether Democratic control of Congress would significantly restrict Trump's ability to pursue military operations or increase pressure on the Islamic Republic.
Some cited historical examples of US military campaigns that continued or expanded despite opposition-party control of Congress.
One pointed to the continuation of the Vietnam War and its expansion into Cambodia under President Richard Nixon, the 1991 war under President George H.W. Bush, and military operations against ISIS and in Libya under President Barack Obama.
The wars in Afghanistan and Iraq under President George W. Bush were also cited.
Democrats controlled both chambers of Congress from 2007 until Bush left office in January 2009, but the two wars continued.
These examples were raised to challenge the assumption that a Democratic majority would automatically prevent Trump from pursuing military action against the Islamic Republic.
The reactions highlighted two competing concerns among Iran International's audience: frustration over Trump's reluctance to pursue further military action against the Islamic Republic and uncertainty over how far the Democratic victory could restrict his options during his remaining two years in office.
