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Iran’s political prisoners are being executed. Why is supporting them controversial?

Negar Mojtahedi
Negar Mojtahedi

Iran International

Aug 29, 2026, 11:36 GMT+1

A letter expressing solidarity with Iran’s political prisoners has ignited an extraordinary ideological backlash, raising concerns among human rights advocates about how political narratives and disinformation can shape perceptions of repression in Iran.

Published in The Guardian on August 20, the open letter addressed political prisoners facing imprisonment, torture and execution under the Islamic Republic while also condemning US and Israeli military action against Iran.

“We write in solidarity with Iran’s political prisoners, who are trapped between two blades of a scissors,” the letter said, describing one blade as the Islamic Republic’s authoritarian rule and the other as the US-Israeli military assault.

The letter called for an end to executions and the release of political prisoners, arguing that opposing foreign military intervention should not mean remaining silent about repression inside Iran.

What followed was a fierce argument, particularly among figures on the political left.

Several people initially listed as signatories withdrew their names. Historian Robin D.G. Kelley said the published version was not exactly what he had initially seen.

University of Toronto professor Nisrin Elamin said she disagreed with the content and the process through which her name was added, arguing that the letter created a “false and harmful equivalency” between Iran and Israel.

Academics Rashid Khalidi and Nadia Abu El-Haj also removed their names. Other critics went further, characterizing the letter as contributing to efforts to manufacture consent for war.

Human rights lawyer Gissou Nia said the intensity of the reaction surprised her because she regarded the original statement of solidarity as “the bare minimum.”

For Nia, the dispute is about more than a single letter. She worries that ideology and disinformation can distort how international audiences understand repression inside Iran.

“There’s been a massive problem in terms of how narratives have been constructed since January of this year,” Nia told Iran International’s English language podcast Eye for Iran.

She pointed to internet shutdowns, restrictions on independent reporting and competing accounts of the January crackdown. Nia accused some commentators outside Iran of amplifying narratives that shifted responsibility for the killings away from the Islamic Republic despite evidence implicating its forces, describing some of the rhetoric as “mass atrocity denial.”

The stakes are particularly high amid a dramatic rise in executions.

The Abdorrahman Boroumand Center for Human Rights in Iran documented over 900 executions in the first seven months of 2026, including 56 on political or national-security charges. Its database now lists 967 reported executions this year.

Political prisoners welcome attention, with reservations

Roya Boroumand, executive director of the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center, said some former political prisoners she works with were pleasantly surprised to see prominent figures in Western academia and on the left publicly acknowledge their plight.

But the response was not without criticism.

Some felt politics weighed too heavily in the letter and questioned comparisons between their experiences under the Islamic Republic and injustices in Western countries. Others asked why China and Russia were absent if the principle was solidarity with prisoners more broadly.

Still, Boroumand said support for Iranian political prisoners should be welcomed rather than subjected to an ideological test.

“You can't criticize people for doing the right thing because the victims they are talking about are not the right victims in your politics,” she said.

Boroumand said political imprisonment can follow Iranians long after they leave a cell. Prisoners may endure physical and psychological torture and lose jobs, educational opportunities and their health. After their release, they may remain under state surveillance, while their relatives can also face pressure over their activities.

Even exile does not necessarily end it. Former prisoners can receive calls from interrogators and see relatives inside Iran summoned over social media posts made abroad.

“You have to face the people who say you don't exist or you don't matter,” Boroumand said.

Why Iran becomes an ideological argument

Journalist and author Jay Solomon said the backlash should also be understood through the ideological legacy of Iran’s 1979 revolution.

For parts of the anti-imperialist left, he said, the revolution came to symbolize a historic defeat for US power. The Islamic Republic later cast itself as a leading opponent of the United States and Israel, creating a political framework in which criticism of Tehran can be seen as weakening that broader struggle.

Solomon said he was struck by the “callousness” of some responses, which he interpreted as effectively asking political prisoners to accept their suffering for the sake of a broader geopolitical cause.

He also pointed to a political purity test in which criticism of the Islamic Republic can quickly generate accusations that critics are serving Western or Israeli interests. Solomon compared the dynamic with other ideological movements that became increasingly intolerant of internal criticism.

That rhetoric is particularly significant in Iran, where authorities themselves have long portrayed dissidents as agents of foreign powers.

For Iran’s political prisoners, the debate is anything but theoretical. They are living through an escalating campaign of executions and repression while arguments continue abroad over how their suffering should fit into competing political narratives.

“Solidarity is really being in solidarity with people and their plight,” Nia said, “regardless of the politics.”

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Iran’s oil exports near zero as Persian Gulf flows recover

Aug 28, 2026, 22:09 GMT+1
•
Negar Mojtahedi
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File Photo: Iran's Reshadat oil rig in the Persian Gulf

Iran’s ability to export fresh crude has fallen close to zero under the US maritime blockade, according to Kpler, just as Washington begins targeting the foreign banking networks Tehran relies on to collect the proceeds.

Crude and condensate flows from other Persian Gulf producers have recovered to around 70% of pre-war volumes, while Iran is struggling to move newly loaded crude, Homayoun Falakshahi, senior oil analyst at Kpler, told Iran International.

“It’s exactly the opposite scenario compared to the beginning of the war where Iran could export its oil but the neighbors couldn’t,” Falakshahi told Iran International’s English-language podcast Eye for Iran. . “And now it’s actually the contrary. Iran cannot export new oil.”

Goldman Sachs said Friday that oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz had recovered to around two-thirds of pre-war levels, according to Bloomberg, helping contain the impact of the conflict on global crude prices.

The figures point to a striking reversal in the oil war: the Strait is increasingly functioning again for Iran’s neighbors while Tehran itself struggles to get fresh crude to market.

Oil already on the water

The full impact on Iranian revenues, however, will take time to emerge because millions of barrels loaded before restrictions tightened are already outside the blockade zone.

Kpler estimates that roughly 40 million to 50 million barrels of Iranian oil remain on the water in Asia, substantially below an earlier estimate of around 80 million barrels.

Falakshahi said the revision reflects stronger-than-previously-understood discharges in China, now running at close to one million barrels per day.

At that rate, the remaining oil could take roughly 50 days to unload. Chinese buyers generally have another one to two months to pay Iranian sellers, creating a lag between the collapse in fresh exports and the loss of revenue.

If the blockade remains in place, Falakshahi estimated that within roughly three to four months Iran’s revenues from oil exports could effectively fall to zero.

China is central to that calculation. Falakshahi said it buys effectively all of Iran’s crude and condensate exports. When petroleum products and petrochemicals are included, he estimated China’s share of Iranian petroleum exports at roughly 90% to 95%.

From tankers to banks

Even as the blockade squeezes Iran’s ability to get new barrels to market, Washington is beginning to target the other end of the transaction: the foreign financial infrastructure Tehran uses to move the proceeds.

On Friday, the US Treasury Department’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network proposed using Section 311 of the USA Patriot Act to cut Banque Misr’s UAE branches off from US correspondent banking, the first such action under Operation Economic Outcast.

Treasury said the branches processed approximately $1.8 billion between January 2024 and June 2026 for 103 companies potentially connected to Iranian shadow-banking networks.

According to Treasury, their customers included apparent front companies used by Iran’s Ministry of Defense and the Revolutionary Guards to evade US sanctions, as well as entities used to launder money on behalf of Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei.

Max Meizlish, a former official with the US Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control, said the significance of the move lies in Washington beginning to target foreign banks that make Iran’s sanctions-evasion networks possible, rather than focusing primarily on Iranian entities and front companies.

Section 311 allows Treasury to threaten a foreign bank’s access to the US financial system without immediately freezing its assets, while giving the institution and its regulators an opportunity to address the activity before restrictions take effect, he said.

“The real test now is whether this becomes a sustained campaign and whether Treasury is willing to bring the same pressure to bear on Iran’s financial enablers in Hong Kong and China,” Meizlish told Iran International.

That question is particularly important given China’s dominant role in Iran’s remaining oil trade.

Meizlish has identified China’s Bank of Kunlun as one potential target for further US action. The bank has previously faced US restrictions over dealings involving Iran, but he argued Washington could go further by imposing full blocking sanctions.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent had signaled that a major action against a financial institution was coming under Operation Economic Outcast.

Friday’s move suggests Washington is beginning to extend its campaign beyond Iran’s physical oil exports to the foreign financial infrastructure that allows Tehran to receive and move its money.

For global markets, the recovery in other Persian Gulf exports is helping blunt the energy shock. For Tehran, the trajectory is moving in the opposite direction: fewer opportunities to export fresh oil, a diminishing stockpile already outside the blockade and growing pressure on the financial networks through which it gets paid.

The blockade is squeezing Iran’s ability to sell its next barrel. Operation Economic Outcast is increasingly aimed at making it harder to collect the money for the barrels that got out.

‘State-sponsored theft’: UN representative calls out rising seizures from Iran’s Bahá’ís

Aug 27, 2026, 19:24 GMT+1
•
Azadeh Akbari
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Simin Fahandej, representative of the Baha'i International Community's United Nations Office in Geneva

Iran’s rising wave of raids, arrests and property seizures against Bahá’ís amounts to “state-sponsored theft,” the Bahá’í International Community’s representative to the United Nations in Geneva said, citing hundreds of incidents since the January crackdown.

Simin Fahandej told Iran International that pressure on the community had intensified following nationwide protests in January, fitting what she described as a longstanding pattern in which Bahá’ís are targeted during periods of crisis.

“Every single time that there has been a crisis in Iran, the Baha'i community is the first to be scapegoated,” Fahandej said, adding that confiscation of Bahá’í property had been a feature of persecution since the 1979 revolution.

Fahandej said hundreds of cases of persecution had been recorded since January across more than six provinces, while prosecutions of Bahá’ís had doubled from the previous year.

“These arrests and imprisonment of Baha'is isn't an incident,” she said. “It's a nationwide state-led campaign of persecution.”

Cash, gold, instruments

Thirteen United Nations experts earlier this month also warned of an increase in persecution of Bahá’ís in Iran, including allegations of torture and enforced disappearance, and said 57 members of the community were detained or imprisoned.

The warnings come amid a series of raids on Bahá’í families in the central city of Isfahan in which security forces seized cash, gold, household belongings, vehicles, musical instruments and equipment used by families to make a living.

More than 20 security agents simultaneously raided three homes on Monday belonging to Amin Tabyanifard, his mother Bahariyeh Askarinasab and his son Nima Tabyanifard, a source familiar with the matter told Iran International.

The source said plainclothes agents searched the properties from around 8 a.m. until about 1 p.m.

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A combination image shows the homes of Amin Tabianifard, Baharieh Asgarinasab and Nima Tabianifard in Isfahan, Iran, after security forces raided the properties on August 24, 2026.

Askarinasab lives in a separate unit in the same building as Amin Tabyanifard, while Nima Tabyanifard lives in another neighborhood of Isfahan.

Agents searched the family’s musical-instrument workshop and seized its tools, equipment and specialized machinery, along with several valuable handmade instruments.

They also seized cash, gold, electronics, household belongings and numerous musical instruments. Authorities later sealed the family’s music and musical-instrument store.

The source said agents in one of the raids used violence, beat people present and made threats.

Nima Tabyanifard was ordered to report to the Isfahan Intelligence Department, while other members of the family received summonses to appear before a court located at Isfahan’s Dastgerd Prison.

Fahandej said some recent arrests and confiscations in other cases had been carried out without warrants.

“These arrests and confiscations, I have to make clear, have taken place entirely illegally,” she said. “They did not have warrants for confiscation nor arrest.”

She said security personnel had in some cases climbed over walls to enter Bahá’í homes.

“If this is not theft and stealing people's property, I don't know what is,” Fahandej said.

She described one case in which a parent was arrested in front of a two-year-old child, and another in which authorities deployed 14 guards, five vehicles and a representative of the prosecutor general to arrest one woman.

‘You didn’t learn your lesson’

In a separate Isfahan case, filmmaker and journalist Sepehr Atefi said security forces raided his parents’ home for the second time in several months.

Atefi wrote on X that eight male agents and one female agent spent more than six hours searching the property and his father’s workplace, including the soil in flowerpots and a bag of rice.

He said agents packed household possessions, including a television, vacuum cleaner and toolbox, along with gold, valuables, communications devices and children’s toys, into his parents’ own suitcases and bags before taking them away in a pickup truck. The family’s car was also seized, Atefi said.

Atefi told Iran International that the repeated raids were taking a psychological and practical toll on his parents.

“This incident and its recurrence can mentally exhaust them,” he said. “Confiscating their IDs and mobile phones can trap them in administrative bureaucracy for days and disrupt their daily lives.”

When his mother objected to the confiscations, agents told her: “These are illicit possessions,” and: “You didn’t learn your lesson the first time,” according to Atefi.

He interpreted the remark as meaning that the family had failed to change its religion and said they were being targeted because they were Bahá’ís.

Fahandej said such language made what she described as the discriminatory nature of the raids explicit.

“There is no other basis for any of these confiscations, arrests, raids ... other than the fact that they're Baha'i,” she said.

She said court documents in some prosecutions had also explicitly cited membership in the Bahá’í community.

“With the misuse of their state authority, they essentially steal Baha'is' properties with complete impunity,” Fahandej said.

Livelihoods targeted

Fahandej said the economic impact of the seizures was particularly severe because Bahá’ís already face restrictions on higher education and public employment.

“Baha'is in Iran are banned from universities,” she said. “Then they're also banned from public employment, so they can't be doctors or lawyers, teachers, and any form of public employment.”

That leaves many members of the community dependent on small businesses and home-based work, she said, making the confiscation of tools, equipment and businesses particularly damaging.

“The basic and modest livelihoods that they would be able to build through these small businesses, sometimes home businesses, are also confiscated.”

Fahandej said authorities had increasingly used Article 49 of Iran’s Constitution, which allows the state to confiscate wealth deemed to have been acquired through illicit means, to seize Bahá’í property under what she described as vague pretexts.

She also pointed to large bail demands as another form of economic pressure.

“Some of the bail amounts that we see actually becomes the equivalent of working for a hundred years in Iran,” she said, calling it “quite a devastating form of persecution.”

Property confiscation has a long history in the Islamic Republic’s treatment of Bahá’ís. Fahandej said community and individual properties were seized in the early years after the 1979 revolution, while Bahá’í institutions were banned from 1983.

Crackdown widens

Recent cases have extended beyond property seizures.

Fahandej pointed to Peyvand Naimi and Venus Hosseini-Nejad, two Bahá’ís arrested in Kerman in southeastern Iran in January whose coerced confessions were later broadcast on state television. The Bahá’í International Community said Naimi was tortured and subjected to mock hangings in detention.

“We saw the forced live confessions of two Baha'is on television, essentially to justify persecution against them and the entire community,” Fahandej said.

A Revolutionary Court in the northern city of Sari has also sentenced 12 Bahá’ís to prison terms and restrictions on their social rights. Six other Bahá’ís were recently arrested in Sari and Karaj, while a Bahá’í student at Islamic Azad University in Birjand was expelled and barred from continuing his studies because of his faith.

Unofficial estimates put Iran’s Bahá’í population at more than 300,000. The Bahá’í faith is not recognized under the Islamic Republic’s constitution, which recognizes Islam as well as Christianity, Judaism and Zoroastrianism.

Human Rights Activists in Iran said Bahá’ís accounted for about 62 percent of reported violations of religious minority rights in 2025.

Fahandej said the latest escalation was taking place as Iranians were already struggling with severe economic pressures.

“It's heartbreaking that amid an already difficult economic crisis in Iran, that the state-sponsored attack against the Baha'is is now sweeping the community, as they, together with all other Iranians, are already suffering,” she said.

Iran sentences woman detained during January protests to death

Aug 27, 2026, 16:19 GMT+1
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Leila Abolhassani

A court in Iran has sentenced Leila Abolhassani, a 43-year-old mother of two teenage daughters detained during the January protests in the central city of Shahin Shahr, to death on charges of “waging war against God,” a source familiar with her case told Iran International.

The source said Abolhassani was only filming a supermarket fire when she was arrested on the evening of January 8. Branch 5 of Isfahan’s Revolutionary Court nevertheless sentenced her to death on charges of participating in setting fire to the store.

Abolhassani, who worked as a nail technician, was transferred following her arrest to Dowlatabad Prison in Isfahan, where she has been held for more than seven months.

Her case was referred to Iran’s Supreme Court following an appeal against the sentence and remains under review, the source said.

She faces execution if the Supreme Court upholds the ruling.

Abolhassani’s case follows reports of death sentences against two other men detained during January’s nationwide protests.

Earlier in the week, US-based rights group HRANA reported that Amir Mohammad Mojallal Choubari, 22, and Hossein Nazari, 25, were sentenced to death in separate cases.

Last Sunday, Iran executed Majid Adineh, another January protest detainee, after the Supreme Court upheld his death sentence.

Adineh was arrested on January 9 in Mohammadshahr, near Karaj. A Revolutionary Court sentenced him to death and ordered the confiscation of all his property over accusations of taking “operational action” for Israel, the United States and hostile groups.

Earlier this month, UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk said on that Iran was using capital punishment to “instill fear among the population and suppress dissent,” urging authorities to halt executions and move toward abolishing the death penalty.

He called the persistent lack of fair-trial and due-process guarantees “deeply troubling,” citing reports of confessions obtained under torture and cases in which executions followed within weeks of arrest.

The US-based Abdorrahman Boroumand Center said Wednesday it had documented 950 executions in Iran since the beginning of 2026, including at least 20 women and 30 protesters. It recorded 45 executions in August so far.

The rights group said Iran’s use of the death penalty took place within a judicial system marked by unfair proceedings, a lack of transparency and political interference, with fair-trial protections systematically violated.

Iran's Bank Melli remains open in Germany despite sanctions

Aug 27, 2026, 12:55 GMT+1
•
Ahmad Samadi
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Bank Melli Iran's branch in Hamburg.

Bank Melli Iran's branch in Hamburg remains open despite EU sanctions that Germany says apply to the Iranian state-owned bank's German operation, as Washington steps up pressure for its foreign branches to be closed.

The German Foreign Ministry, responding to questions from Iran International, said Bank Melli and its Hamburg branch were already covered by wide-ranging EU restrictions.

“Bank Melli Iran is already subject to far-reaching sanctions at EU level, and this of course also applies to Bank Melli's branch in Germany,” the ministry said.

The ministry did not say whether Germany was considering closing the Hamburg branch or whether Washington had formally asked Berlin to do so.

US pressure

The questions follow US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent's launch earlier this week of “Operation Economic Outcast,” a campaign aimed at cutting Iran's financial and commercial links abroad.

Bessent specifically targeted Bank Melli, saying “every Bank Melli branch must be shuttered.”

The German Foreign Ministry said Berlin had taken note of Bessent's announcement and remained in talks with Washington and other partners.

“The federal government has taken note of US Treasury Secretary Bessent's announcement and is in constant contact with the US as well as other partners in the EU and in the region regarding further measures against Iran,” it told Iran International.

Berlin gave no indication in its response that a decision had been made on the future of the Hamburg branch.

EU sanctions

The European Union reimposed nuclear-related sanctions against Iran in September last year after France, Germany and Britain triggered the snapback mechanism the previous month.

The measures restored asset freezes on listed Iranian entities and broader restrictions on trade and financial activity.

Bank Melli is explicitly listed under the EU measures along with all its branches and subsidiaries.

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EU documents describe Bank Melli as Iran's largest bank, owned and controlled by the Iranian government, and say it provides services to the Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces Logistics.

Under the sanctions, funds and economic resources belonging to or controlled by listed entities must be frozen, and funds or economic resources generally cannot be made available to them directly or indirectly.

EU rules also restrict transfers involving Iranian banks and their branches, while providing exemptions and procedures under which competent authorities can authorize certain transactions.

German oversight

The German Foreign Ministry said the Bundesbank was responsible for implementing EU and UN financial sanctions under Germany's foreign trade framework and referred questions about banking supervision to BaFin.

The Bundesbank says its Financial Sanctions Service Center is Germany's authority for implementing restrictions on capital and payments.

BaFin declined to comment to Iran International on possible measures involving Bank Melli, citing legal confidentiality requirements concerning individual financial institutions.

The regulator told Iran International that Bank Melli remained in its official database and said any final measure that could legally be made public would be published on its website.

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BaFin has previously acted against the Hamburg branch.

The regulator said in October 2021 that it had imposed a credit ban on the branch on September 7 of that year after finding that it had breached the four-eyes principle required under German banking rules.

Iran International has also asked the Bundesbank how the restored EU sanctions are being implemented in relation to Bank Melli's Hamburg branch. The central bank had not responded by the time of publication.

For now, Germany has confirmed that EU sanctions apply to the branch but has not said it plans to close it, even as Washington presses foreign governments to shut Bank Melli operations abroad.

Who is Abolfazl Shekarchi, the Iranian general calling journalists military targets?

Aug 27, 2026, 11:42 GMT+1
•
Hooman Abedi
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Abolfazl Shekarchi, spokesman for Iran’s armed forces, speaks at an event in Tehran.

The Iranian general who has threatened Persian-language journalists abroad as potential military targets has a history of incendiary attacks on critics and was among officials who initially dismissed reports that Iran had shot down Flight PS752.

Abolfazl Shekarchi, a brigadier general and senior spokesman for Iran’s armed forces, said on Wednesday journalists working for Persian-language media abroad could be placed on a list of military targets.

“Media outlets such as Iran International, BBC Persian and Radio Farda are directly connected to Mossad, the US Central Intelligence Agency and other foreign intelligence services and receive support from them,” he said.

He called the employees of the Persian-language outlets “soldiers of Israel and the United States,” adding: “They can be included in the bank of military targets because, from our perspective, these are not media outlets.”

He provided no evidence for the accusations.

The remarks extend years of military and ideological rhetoric from Shekarchi against people and organizations Iranian authorities consider hostile, from protesters and opponents of compulsory hijab to foreign officials and media organizations.

PS752 reports called ‘absolute lies’

Iran's Revolutionary Guards shot down Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752 shortly after takeoff on January 8, 2020, killing all 176 people aboard.

Reports that an Iranian surface-to-air missile had brought down the Boeing 737 were “absolute lies” and “ridiculous,” Shekarchi said as evidence pointing to a missile strike emerged.

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Abolfazl Shekarchi, spokesman for Iran’s armed forces, speaks on a program about the 12-day war, with centrifuge replicas forming the backdrop, September 24, 2026.

Shekarchi portrayed the reports as psychological warfare against Iran, while Iranian authorities initially attributed the crash to a technical problem.

Iran's armed forces acknowledged three days after the disaster that its air defenses had shot down the passenger plane, saying it had been mistakenly identified as a hostile target during a period of heightened confrontation with the United States.

The admission triggered protests in Iran and abroad and accusations that authorities had sought to conceal responsibility for the disaster.

Shekarchi's categorical denial became one of the most prominent official responses to early reporting on PS752 before the armed forces acknowledged that an Iranian missile had brought down the aircraft.

His latest accusations against foreign-based Persian-language media employ a similar framework, casting journalism and information as components of an enemy operation.

Protesters and hijab opponents

Shekarchi has also directed security and military rhetoric at domestic dissent.

During nationwide protests in 2022, Shekarchi described demonstrators as deceived and accused the United States of seeking to manufacture deaths to sustain the unrest.

The protests spread across Iran following the death in morality-police custody of Mahsa Amini, a 22-year-old woman detained over compulsory hijab rules.

His rhetoric had already extended to opponents of compulsory hijab.

Participants in a campaign encouraging women to appear in public without mandatory head coverings, along with artists supporting them, were “forces of Satan,” Shekarchi said.

Thousands detained over coronavirus information

Shekarchi also played a public role in the authorities' response to information circulating during the coronavirus pandemic.

Around 3,600 people had been detained by police and the Basij over what authorities characterized as rumors or false information about the outbreak, with more than 1,100 judicial cases opened, Shekarchi said in April 2020.

The figures showed the scale of the authorities' effort to police information about the pandemic as questions mounted over infection and death figures.

Shekarchi also drew criticism after minimizing coronavirus deaths among military personnel and healthcare workers.

The deaths of four doctors, nurses and paramedics were “not a number” of significance, Shekarchi said during the early months of the pandemic.

The coronavirus outbreak became another period in which Iranian authorities treated the dissemination of information as a security matter, with people detained or prosecuted over online material about the disease.

Threats beyond Iran

Shekarchi's rhetoric has also targeted Israeli and US officials and personnel abroad.

Israel's destruction was Iran's “greatest aspiration,” Shekarchi said in 2021, presenting it as an objective from which the Islamic Republic would not retreat.

Even tourist and recreational locations around the world would not necessarily provide safety for American and Israeli officials targeted by Iran, Shekarchi warned in March.

“From now on, based on the information we have on you, tourist destinations, resorts, and recreational and leisure venues around the world will no longer be safe for you.”

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Abolfazl Shekarchi, spokesman for Iran’s armed forces, visits a news agency in Tehran.

Earlier, responding to threats by US President Donald Trump against Iran's leadership, Shekarchi said an attack on Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei would prompt Iran to “set their world on fire” and leave its adversaries without a safe haven.

“Trump knows that if a hand is raised against our leader, not only will we decisively and courageously cut off that hand, but we will set their world on fire, give them no respite and leave them no safe haven.”

His latest remarks extend such language explicitly to journalists working outside Iran.