Iran International
Iran’s Revolutionary Guards intelligence chief has confirmed he is driving efforts to tighten restrictions on social media, linking the initiative directly to the country’s security apparatus and the expansion of the so-called “national internet.”
Majid Khademi, head of intelligence for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), said in an interview published on February 19 that a total ban on foreign social media platforms is intended to “prevent enemy plots and immunize Iranians against them.”
He also revealed that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei had tasked him with overseeing the expansion of Iran’s domestic intranet, often referred to as the “national internet,” and stressed the importance of what he described as “proper governance of the Internet.”
“Sianat”—meaning protection—is the term Iranian officials use to describe legislation aimed at restricting social media under the stated goal of shielding citizens from perceived dangers.
The original proposal, often referred to as Sianat-1, was approved by parliament in March 2022 but implementation was halted shortly afterward amid concerns among senior officials that sweeping restrictions could provoke public backlash.
Since then, the bill has remained under discussion among parliament, the Guardian Council and the Supreme National Security Council.
Targeting platforms
Despite the absence of a comprehensive ban, access to major platforms remains restricted, with most users relying on virtual private networks (VPNs). Recent media reports suggest that WhatsApp, which had previously been accessible, has faced renewed restrictions, while authorities continue expanding policies granting limited access to selected users.
In recent weeks, Iranian media outlets have reported renewed efforts to advance what has been informally described as “Sianat-2,” a broader initiative aimed at strengthening state oversight of online activity and expanding domestic internet infrastructure.
Leaked information cited by Iranian media suggests audiovisual content on platforms such as Instagram, YouTube and Telegram could face tighter regulation, potentially placing greater authority in the hands of state institutions including the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), which holds a legal monopoly over broadcasting.
Authorities imposed a near-total internet blackout during the widespread protests of January 8 and 9, cutting off access to global platforms and isolating much of the country digitally.
The shutdown coincided with a violent crackdown in which human rights organizations and independent media reported large numbers of protesters killed, injured and detained.
Khademi framed such measures as necessary to counter foreign threats. He accused outside actors of attempting to spread instability, encourage “urban terrorism,” and undermine public trust in the government, though he did not provide evidence.
“These platforms are used to organize and guide hostile activities,” he said, adding that Khamenei had instructed him: “Do not forget the proper governance of the Internet.”
The blackout in January highlighted the central role of internet controls in Iran’s response to political unrest—a strategy that officials have increasingly framed as a matter of national security.
Khademi’s confirmation of the IRGC’s leadership role underscores the extent to which internet governance has become integrated into Iran’s broader security strategy.
The findings reveal a sharp escalation in repression as authorities increasingly label those who leave Islam as "security threats" and "Mossad mercenaries" following regional conflicts.
The report, titled "Scapegoats" and released on Thursday, documents 254 arrests in 2025, nearly double the number recorded the previous year. Rights advocates say the surge reflects a strategic shift by the Islamic Republic to use national security frameworks to crush religious dissent.
"The Islamic Republic is a religious apartheid state where non-recognized minorities like Christian converts are not considered citizens but just 'ghosts' in the eyes of the regime," said Fred Petrossian, an Iranian-Armenian researcher and journalist specializing in religious minorities, based in Brussels, who collaborates with Article 18.
The study was a collaborative effort by Article 18, Open Doors, Middle East Concern (MEC), and Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW).
Regional tensions fuel domestic raids
The report describes the 12-day war with Israel in June 2025 as a "pivotal moment" for domestic targeting. In the single month following the June 24 ceasefire, at least 54 Christians were detained across 19 cities.
Petrossian told Iran International that the state has moved to "choke the freedoms" of converts by framing their faith as an extension of foreign hostility.
"A religious holiday becomes criminalized when it represents both faith and collective identity outside state-approved boundaries," Petrossian said.
He pointed specifically to Christmas, which in recent years has gained wide popularity among ordinary Iranians despite official disapproval from clerics.
Shops in major cities openly sell Christmas trees and decorations, cafés display festive themes, and large crowds, many of them Muslims, gather outside churches such as those in Tehran and Isfahan.
Authorities, however, often respond to private Christmas gatherings of converts with raids, arrests, and intimidation.
Petrossian added that the struggle for Christian freedom in Iran is inseparable from the broader fight for human rights and civil liberties for all citizens.
He said that at least 19 Christians have lost their lives in the recent violence and unrest, reflecting how deeply intertwined religious persecution is with the wider crackdown affecting the Iranian society.
Authorities have increasingly weaponized Article 500 bis of the penal code, which criminalizes "propaganda contrary to the holy religion of Islam". The report found that nearly 90% of all charges against Christians in 2025 were brought under this amended article, which carries sentences of up to 10 years.
Systematic mistreatment in detention
The report paints a horrifying picture of the conditions faced by converts in the Iranian prison system, including psychological torture and the deliberate denial of healthcare.
The 'two-tier' propaganda machine
Petrossian pointed to a "two-tier" system where the state uses recognized ethnic Christians, such as those of Armenian or Assyrian descent, to project an image of tolerance while criminalizing the larger community of converts.
While ethnic Christians may worship in their own languages, they are strictly prohibited from preaching in Persian or welcoming converts.
"Recognition does not mean they have all rights," Petrossian said. "The moment members of these communities do not follow the state’s red line, they face repression similar to that experienced by converts."
The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has taken an increasing role in these crackdowns, often acting with more brutality than traditional intelligence agencies.
In February, 20 plainclothes IRGC agents raided a gathering in Gatab – a town in Mazandaran province where they reportedly tore cross necklaces off several people and blocked emergency medical personnel from assisting the injured.
"IRGC agents go to homes without a legal warrant and arrest people. They say obscene and offensive things and insult and humiliate them," one convert testified in the report.
Petrossian added that the state’s efforts to control even personal life create a "dystopian system" where religious holidays like Christmas are criminalized because they represent a "collective identity outside state-approved boundaries".
The report concludes by calling on the international community to hold Iran accountable under Article 18 of the ICCPR, which guarantees the freedom to adopt and practice a faith of one's choosing.
