Statement by the Editorial Board of Iran International
Iran International has recorded more than 6,000 names that have not been included on the list published by the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Iran International has recorded more than 6,000 names that have not been included on the list published by the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Officials in President Pezeshkian’s government, in a shameful attempt to downplay the scale of the largest street massacre in Iran’s contemporary history, have sought to cast doubt on the figures reported by Iran International. Yet the statistics released by the government itself constitute further evidence of their dishonesty.
Since issuing a public call for the submission of documentation on those killed in the National Revolution, Iran International has received information confirming the deaths of 6,634 individuals. Of these, fewer than 100 namesoverlap with the 2,986-name list published by the Pezeshkian government.
In other words, without access to official institutional data—and relying solely on reports from citizen journalists and the families of those killed, amid intense security pressure and internet restrictions—Iran International has documented, within just 20 days, a death toll more than twice the figure claimed by the government.
The information received includes victims’ names, photographs, cities of residence, circumstances of death, and testimonies provided by families and relatives.
So far, the verified details of 1,141 individuals have been published on the “Truth Registration Map” on Iran International’s website, and this process continues daily.
Since the call was issued, information on an average of nearly 300 additional victims per day has been registered in Iran International’s database. The process of updating figures and documenting victims will therefore continue not only in the coming days, but in the weeks and months ahead.
It must be noted that this vast volume of information has been gathered while internet access remains severely restricted, with millions of Iranians—particularly in smaller and deprived areas—unable to connect. Widespread security pressure and threats against families to prevent them from speaking out have further complicated efforts to collect comprehensive data.
Under these conditions, the courage of those who remain committed to the truth and refuse to allow the memory and names of the victims to be erased has played a decisive role in documenting this crime.
Bodies are still being returned
In its second statement, issued on 5 Bahman (Jan. 25), the Editorial Board of Iran International announced that at least 36,500 people had been killed during the National Revolution.
Verified reports indicate that despite nearly a month having passed since the massacres, the bodies of some protesters are still being returned to their families. Numerous reports received by Iran International also point to dozens of missing persons and the existence of many unidentified bodies.
There are repeated reports of mass burials of victims in various regions, making it impossible to obtain a complete picture of the full scale of the crime at this time.
A government that takes pride in evidence of a crime
Following the publication of its list of the dead, government officials promoted it as though they had released a document worthy of pride.
In an effort to normalize the crime and reduce human lives to mere numbers, the Pezeshkian government called on individuals and media outlets—particularly Iran International—to publish their own figures.
The statistics presented in this statement clearly demonstrate that the government loyal to Khamenei is incapable even of releasing a list aligned with its own narrative.
The government’s published list contains numerous irregularities, including the repetition of at least 25 names with identical national ID numbers, suggesting haste and disorder. Moreover, nearly a month after the killings of 18 and 19 Dey (Jan. 8–9), the figures released do not even match the government’s own claimed number of 3,317 deaths.
The government has attributed this discrepancy to the presence of unidentified bodies. The question remains: how is it that such a vast state apparatus has still failed, after all this time, to identify many of the bodies?
State-affiliated media have also claimed—through a distorted narrative—that large numbers of government agents were killed during the protests, with some officials citing a figure of 200 security personnel. Yet the government’s published list contains no mention of the names or number of these alleged casualties.
Renewed call for submitting documentation
The objective of the Islamic Republic is to conceal an unprecedented crime. The only way to confront this effort is through exposure and transparency.
As emphasized in its original call for documentation, Iran International stands ready to cooperate with human rights organizations, media outlets, journalists, researchers, and independent institutions to document, examine, and ensure international coverage of this crime.
All members of the public—especially the families and relatives of those killed, citizen journalists, and anyone in possession of reliable and verifiable information—are urged to share their documentation with Iran International via the IntelMedia chatbot.
For families searching for wounded protesters in Iran’s latest crackdown, hospitals have offered no refuge—only dead ends.
One such case was described by the Wall Street Journal in a report on Sunday, which recounted the final hours of a teenage protester identified as Sam, shot and then taken away while still alive.
According to the paper, a medic told Sam’s family that he was “in critical condition being treated for a single gunshot wound in the back of his head,” before security forces arrived and removed him along with other patients.
The medic urged the family to look elsewhere. “The medic advised them to check the morgues,” Sam’s father, Parviz, said, according to the report.
They found him days later. “They found him inside a body bag on Jan. 11 with a second bullet wound that tore through half of his face and made him almost unrecognizable,” Parviz told the Journal.
The second shot—delivered after medical care had begun—was not an act of mercy. It was finalization.
Similar accounts have emerged from Karaj, west of Tehran, where witnesses told Iran International that armed forces surrounded hospitals following days of mass killings and resistance.
Witnesses speaking to Iran International on the condition of anonymity report the abduction of wounded protesters from hospitals and the execution of injured people who were unable to move.
A Karaj taxi driver, who said he witnessed the violence firsthand, described security forces loading both dead and wounded protesters into trucks without distinction.
“Even the wounded were not separated from the dead. They piled everyone together. Someone injured like that will die anyway,” he said.
A photo received by Iran International showed the body of a deceased protester at Kahrizak morgue south of Tehran with his hands bound.
In the image, the man’s body is seen inside a black body bag typically used for those killed, with his hands tied and placed on his abdomen.
The image appeared to show that the citizen was in the custody of security forces at the time of his death and that he died while in detention.
Other witnesses said the killings continued inside medical facilities. One source told Iran International that agents used suppressed weapons. “That person was crying and saying they were shooting the wounded with silenced guns,” the witness said, describing what was explicitly referred to as a finishing shot.
Hospitals including Ghasem Soleimani, Kasra and Takht-e Jamshid were placed under armed lockdown, according to eyewitness reports, with families barred from entry and medical staff working under threat.
One healthcare worker said more than 400 people killed during January 8-9 were brought to Karaj hospitals alone.
The practice has been documented elsewhere. The Iran Human Rights Documentation Center previously reported that one wounded protester, terrified of being executed in hospital, remained motionless for three days inside a plastic body bag used for transporting corpses. His family eventually located him alive in Kahrizak.
In Karaj, fear of those final shots drove families to keep bodies hidden at home rather than risk official channels. According to reports and accounts obtained by Iran International, authorities halted burials, closed morgues, and restricted funerals to a single family member, firing shots into the air to disperse mourners.
What emerges from these accounts is not chaos but method.
Wounded protesters—those who survived initial gunfire—appear to have been treated as liabilities. Removing them from hospitals, or killing them outright, ensured that testimony would not survive.
Sam’s father said his son had dreamed of studying information technology in Germany, where he planned to reunite with him. Instead, he was shot once, treated, and then shot again.
The second bullet did what the first did not.
The Iranian outlet Khabar Online has argued that the fear of being digitally cut off from unfolding events can resemble a form of mass FOMO, anxiety driven not by social media envy, but by enforced disconnection.
Beyond personal stress
The article says that the consequences extend far beyond individual stress. “Cutting the internet is not just a trauma at the individual level; it severely destroys interpersonal bonds and trust,” it said.
It also warned of what it called “anticipatory anxiety.” Even after access is partially restored, society remains on edge.
“Every slight drop in internet speed triggers waves of stress and panic over another shutdown,” the article added.
US-based psychotherapist Azadeh Afsahi said the effects mirror enforced isolation. “Clinically, shutting down the internet is equivalent to enforced isolation and the sudden loss of multiple coping mechanisms at once,” Afsahi told Iran International.
“Isolation is a well-established driver of anxiety and depression and significantly increases the risk of suicidal ideation and suicide attempts.”
She added that Iran’s psychological baseline is already fragile.
Decades of repression, violence, economic instability, and chronic uncertainty have severely compromised mental health, she said, and internet shutdowns “compound the existing trauma” and can “push already vulnerable individuals closer to psychological collapse.”
From isolation to overload
Afsahi said prolonged digital silence creates a dangerous psychological cycle: after days or weeks of isolation, people are suddenly exposed to graphic images and devastating news once access is partially restored.
The abrupt flood of information, she said, can overwhelm the nervous system, triggering panic attacks, dissociation, intrusive thoughts, trauma-related symptoms resembling PTSD, and an increased risk of suicide.
“This cycle – isolation followed by psychological overload – creates cumulative, long-term harm,” Afsahi said.
The effects are not confined to those inside Iran. Families, journalists, activists, and content creators abroad are also affected, as their mental wellbeing depends on connection and community.
Shutdown as a tool of control
Internet disruptions have become a familiar reality for Iranians in recent years. Sometimes nationwide, sometimes regional or temporary, shutdowns have emerged as a central tool used by authorities to control protests, slow the spread of information, and suppress evidence of repression.
During crises, restricted access heightens public anxiety while crippling digital businesses and essential online services.
The most recent shutdown followed the 12-day war with Israel in June, when internet access was disrupted for roughly six days. This time, however, several days of complete blackout were followed by only limited access to a heavily censored domestic intranet.
Nearly 25 days later, the restrictions persist, with only a trickle of tightly restricted access returning. Many people and businesses still lack access.
Coping at the margins
Some Iranians have traveled to border regions or neighboring countries to send business files, upload videos documenting the January 8-9 crackdown, or contact family members.
Meanwhile, informal volunteer networks abroad have attempted to provide access through anti-censorship tools such as Psiphon and its Conduit feature, offering slow and unstable connections to the outside world.
The government says the shutdown is necessary to protect national security and citizens’ lives. Concerns over potential cyberattacks may also play a role.
Technology researcher Mohammad Rahbari warned in Khabar Online that prolonged communication blackouts can undermine society’s psychological stability.
“The continuation of communication shutdowns, even if intended to protect citizens’ physical safety, can seriously damage psychological security – which is a core component of overall security,” he said.
