“Maintaining national cohesion, as emphasized by the Supreme Leader, can include changing certain social approaches of the establishment and prioritizing public satisfaction in a way that is tangible for the people,” former foreign minister Ali-Akbar Velayati posted on X on Monday.
“The people have proven themselves—now it is the officials’ turn. Outdated methods will no longer be effective for the post-war society," he added, without detailing the nature of the proposed reforms.
Will to change?
The reformist daily Shargh was quick to highlight the significance.
“This message is not only a confirmation of the need for transformation but could also be a sign of a serious resolve to begin a new chapter in policymaking and decision-making in Iran,” an editorial read.
It suggested Velayati’s comments “may indicate a high-level political will to move toward structural reforms.”
Velayati’s words carry unusual weight because he remains one of the most trusted figures in Khamenei’s inner circle.
His shift in tone—departing from Tehran’s usual confidence in its popular legitimacy—has been read by some as a sign of deeper anxiety following the recent 12-day war with Israel.
Losing grip?
That conflict briefly united many Iranians in the face of an external threat. But now, with the ceasefire holding, there are signs that public frustration is again surfacing—especially as calls for reform remain unanswered.
“The firm stance of the people against Israel came from their concern for their homeland, not satisfaction with the Islamic Republic,” civil engineer Milad Salehi commented on Velayati’s post—which drew more than a thousand comments.
Even before the war, the state’s grip on some aspects of public life—most notably enforcement of the mandatory hijab—had already begun to slip.
In recent weeks, Iran’s reformists have demanded steps such as easing internet restrictions, relaxing hijab enforcement, releasing political prisoners, and curbing hardline institutions like the state broadcaster and the Guardian Council.
But the leadership has instead retrenched: Khamenei recently reappointed 99-year-old ultra-conservative Ahmad Jannati to head the Guardian Council, while Friday Prayer leader Kazem Seddiqi returned to the pulpit despite a corruption scandal involving his family.
'Too little too late'
Such moves have deepened skepticism even among moderate voices who backed Masoud Pezeshkian as a “last hope for change” in the face of widespread indifference.
“In a country where the president … cannot, even after a year, fulfil the simplest of his campaign promises … reform is not a matter of time; it is impossible,” outspoken IT professor Ali Sharifi-Zarchi posted on X.
“Iran’s political structure must change,” he added, quoting Pezeshkian’s post.
Mohsen Mahdian, a mechanical engineer, captured that mood with a stark metaphor under Velayati’s post: “When the pillars of a house start to collapse... it must be demolished and rebuilt."
"The time for change and reform was years ago—but you turned a deaf ear back then.”