In rare riposte, Khamenei’s office lashes out at Israeli ex-defense minister

“The Iran nuclear program was a threat to the United States because Iran voices ‘Death to America’ and ‘Death to Israel.’ And It was a direct threat to us," Lummis said.

"It was the right thing to do to take it out on a very targeted basis and then hope that the Iranian people, who are not our enemies, can reclaim their government and participate in a global economy that is robust and that is good for the Iranian people.”

The administration of US President Donald Trump has counted the attacks on the Natanz, Fordo and Isfahan nuclear sites dubbed Operation Midnight Hammer as a historic victory.

Trump had mooted killing Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in the early days of the US-backed 12-day Israeli war and had broached regime change but swiftly called for a ceasefire after the US attacks which continues to hold.

Trump asserted Iran's nuclear program was “obliterated”. However, subsequent US intelligence assessments have varied.

An initial assessment from the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) said the attacks may have set Iran's nuclear program back by only months. A subsequent Pentagon report concluded the strikes hindered Iran’s nuclear progress by up to two years.

The Central Intelligence Agency and Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard also said the Islamic Republic's nuclear infrastructure had been severely damaged and set back by years.

The championship match of the Club World Cup in which Chelsea defeated Paris Saint-Germain 3–0 was held on Saturday evening in the United States.

Faghani, one of the most prominent referees in the world, officiated the match and participated in the tournament representing Australia after migrating there in 2019 due to disagreements with Iran's Football Federation.

The Revolutionary Guards-affiliated Fars News Agency ripped the appearance on its Telegram channel on Saturday.

“Just days after the Israeli and American attack on Iranian soil and the martyrdom of over a thousand Iranians, Alireza Faghani warmly greeted Trump after receiving his award and mimicked his pose in the commemorative photo.”

Faghani later posted a series of photos on Instagram showing his work at the tournament and his pose alongside Trump, writing: "Grateful for the opportunity to once again be part of football history."

Pro-government social media users criticized the appearance as a national betrayal.

“Alireza Faghani completed all his academic degrees (bachelor’s, master’s, and PhD) in Iran," a user celled Third Generation Khomeini Revolution wrote on X.

"But in the end, he took a commemorative photo with the invader of his homeland and the killer of Iranian women and children.”

Alireza Dabir, president of the Iranian Wrestling Federation, said Faghani should have killed Trump. "If there were any honor, he would have torn out the killer’s throat instead of shaking his hand."

Ali Akbar Raefipour, an Islamic Republic propagandist, shared an AI-generated image of hoped-for physical altercation and said Faghani should have emulated an Iraqi journalist who launched his shoes at US President Bush in 2008.

Popular among religious youth, Raefipour is a hardline Iranian speaker and founder of the Revolutionary Guards-linked Masaf Institute which promotes anti-Western narratives and conspiracy theories.

Make Iran Great Again (MIGA)

In contrast, many Iranians opposed to Tehran defended Faghani, calling his presence at such a major event a source of pride for Iran.

A hashtag for a phrase promoted by Trump during the conflict, #MIGA — Make Iran Great Again — spread among the Islamic Republic's detractors.

Prominent Iranian activist Masih Alinejad praised Faghani, saying: “You don’t have to like it. But you can’t ignore it. This isn’t about loving war. It’s about recognizing who the real warmonger is: the Islamic Republic.”

A user named Sina criticized those threatening Faghani, saying: “They’re threatening Alireza Faghani for shaking hands with Trump at a football match — a completely non-political event. Well then, what should be done with those who beg to negotiate with him?”

State-run Iranian TV did not air the Club World Cup award ceremony — a decision that also drew widespread reaction from users on social media.

Canadian-Iranian politician Golsa Ghamari reacted to the post, saying: “Iranians and Americans were once great allies, and will once again be great allies when the terrorist Islamic Republic is overthrown.”

Another user praised Faghani, saying: “He received his medal from none other than Donald Trump — the man who turned Qassem Soleimani into 'kotlet.'”

“Kotlet,” an Iranian meat patty, became a meme symbolizing the assassination of senior Iranian general Qassem Soleimani in 2020 during the first Trump administration.

Another user named Shayan Amiri shared the handshake moment between Faghani and Trump, tagging Iranian foreign minister Abbas Araghchi on X and writing: “Perhaps it’s time to take a lesson in diplomacy and class — from Alireza Faghani.”

Esmail Kowsari told Hezbollah-affiliated Al Mayadeen TV that no decision on closing the Strait had been made but military preparations to do so were ready.

“Military measures concerning the Strait of Hormuz have been completed, but no decision has yet been made regarding its (closure) and the matter is still under review,” said Kowsari, a member of the parliament's national security committee.

The Strait of Hormuz is a waterway bordered by Iran, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman. Around a fifth of global oil and gas shipments pass through the strategic chokepoint, which was a site of conflict in the Iran-Iraq in the 1980s but was spared in the Mideast combat last month.

Tehran, Kowsari added, has not walked away from negotiations but US attacks on Iranian nuclear sites violated Iran's sovereignty and hurt diplomatic efforts.

Conditions for resuming talks do not currently exist, Kowsari said.

Iranian officials have repeatedly threatened to close the strait as tensions with Israel and the United States have flared in recent years.

Last month, Kowsari told state media that the Iranian parliament had approved a measure to close it but that the measure was not binding, and the final decision rests with Iran’s top decision-making body, the Supreme National Security Council.

A closure would likely upend global energy markets and risk triggering broader conflict.

“According to the plan drawn by Israel and the United States, the regime was supposed to fall by the ninth or tenth day of the war,” Rabiei, a veteran of the intelligence ministry and a former cabinet minister, told local media.

“When Trump told the people of Tehran to leave the city, it was clear something was meant to happen—but it failed.”

The 12-day campaign assassinated Iranian military commanders and pounded military targets but killed hundreds of civilians. A US attack on Iranian nuclear sites capped off the conflict. Iranian missiles killed 27 Israelis.

Both US President Donald and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu mooted regime change and killing Iran's Supreme Leader during the conflict.

Tehran officialdom swiftly declared the conflict a victory, in a narrative which jarred many war-weary Iranians.

Netanyahu said the conflict reversed Iran’s nuclear progress and set the stage for internal political collapse.

“We hit them right on the nose, in the groin,” he told US network Newsmax in an interview on Thursday. “It creates a possibility inside Iran, because the people who are being tyrannized now say they have hope.”

But Rabiei said Iran’s population had only grown more embittered.

“The day Evin prison was bombed—a surreal scene in which women prisoners, medics and soldiers were killed—they expected protests,” he said, referring to an Israeli air strike on a notorious prison which killed dozens of people. “Instead, people were consumed with hatred for Israel.”

“No country is better off after regime change following a war. Israel does not care what happens to Iran afterward—it just wants Iran not to be strong,” he added.

A fragile ceasefire remains in place between Iran and Israel after Trump said US attacks had “obliterated" Iran’s nuclear program.

Iran’s state broadcaster has openly challenged Pezeshkian’s stance on the claims, airing local testimonies that directly contradict the president’s position.

On July 7, the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB)—controlled by ultra-hardliners—aired a segment featuring residents of border towns in Ardabil Province, near the Azerbaijani frontier.

Locals claimed they had seen Israeli aircraft and drones enter Iranian airspace from Azerbaijan during the war.

The segment aired just hours after Pezeshkian appeared to downplay the allegations, in remarks seemingly aimed at de-escalation and alignment with Baku’s denials. Speaking in Gilan Province, the president said:

“Contrary to some rumors, the country’s security institutions have not confirmed any sign of military cooperation between neighboring countries and the Zionist regime.”

His comments echoed a June 26 phone call with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, in which, according to Iran’s foreign ministry, Aliyev assured Pezeshkian that using Azerbaijani territory against Iran was a “red line” that would not be crossed.

Yet the very need for such reassurances revealed Tehran’s underlying anxiety—rooted in precedent. In 2012, Iranian officials accused Israel of launching surveillance drones from Azerbaijani bases.

Hardliners seize on the report

The IRIB footage quickly gained traction on conservative media and Iranian social platforms.

Alef News republished the segment with the headline: “Clear Proof of Aliyev Regime’s Involvement in Iran-Israel War: Israeli Fighter Jets Entered Iran from Azerbaijan.”

“There’s no need for the interviews—radars recorded everything,” one widely liked comment read, implying the state was turning a blind eye. Another popular post criticized Pezeshkian’s warm greeting of Aliyev at last week’s ECO Summit in Baku.

Hardline outlets circulated clips of the president smiling and rising to greet Aliyev, accusing him of projecting weakness.

Farhikhtegan daily, tied to conservative factions, called his demeanor “undiplomatic” and “inappropriate.”

Scapegoat for military failures?

Even traditionally moderate conservative papers joined the backlash.

“Baku’s leaders must understand that no one in Iran will forgive a neighbor that betrays this nation,” Jomhouri Eslami warned on July 6. “They must prove they did not collaborate with the Zionist regime—or be prepared to face consequences.”

The paper also accused Azerbaijani media of launching a coordinated propaganda campaign against Iran during the conflict.

What many of Pezeshkian’s critics omit, however, is that the president has no command over the armed forces or intelligence services.

Responsibility for monitoring and responding to foreign threats rests with parallel institutions, making him an easy scapegoat for failures beyond his remit.

Baku has pushed back forcefully.

On July 1, Azerbaijan’s Milli Majlis Commission on Combating Foreign Interference condemned what it called a “deliberate disinformation campaign” by actors in Iran and abroad, aimed at inflaming anti-Azerbaijani sentiment on Persian-language social media.

Ties strained but intact

Despite the intensifying rhetoric, Tehran and Baku continue to preserve key ties. Cooperation persists on infrastructure and energy, including the Rasht-Astara railway and regional gas swap agreements.

Still, deep mistrust lingers—especially over the proposed Zangezur Corridor, which would link Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan through Armenian territory.

Baku views it as a vital trade route to Turkey and Central Asia, while Tehran fears it could undermine its regional leverage and sever its land access to Armenia.