Israel publicly admits killing Hamas leader Haniyeh in Tehran
Israel's defense minister on Monday publicly admitted for the first time that the Jewish state assassinated Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran on July 31, 2024.
Israel's defense minister on Monday publicly admitted for the first time that the Jewish state assassinated Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran on July 31, 2024.
While Israel's role was already widely understood, its disclosure likely signals Israel is less concerned about provoking an Iranian response after the Islamic Republic and its allies in the region have been dealt harsh Israeli military blows in recent weeks.
"These days, when the Houthi terrorist organization is firing missiles at Israel, I want to convey a clear message to them at the beginning of my remarks: We have defeated Hamas, we have defeated Hezbollah, we have blinded Iran's defense systems and damaged the production systems, we have toppled the Assad regime in Syria, we have dealt a severe blow to the axis of evil, and we will also deal a severe blow to the Houthi terrorist organization in Yemen, which remains the last to stand," Israel Katz said during an evening honoring defense ministry personnel.
"We'll severely cripple the Houthis, damage their strategic infrastructure, and we will behead their leaders – just as we did to Haniyeh, Sinwar and Nasrallah in Tehran, Gaza and Lebanon – we will do it in Hodeidah and Sana'a," Katz added.
Haniyeh was a Palestinian politician who served as prime minister of the Palestinian National Authority for over eight years until 2014 and as chairman of the Hamas Political Bureau from May 2017 until his assassination in Tehran.
He had been attending the inauguration of newly elected Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian when he was assassinated. At the time, Hamas said they were convinced Haniyeh was killed, along with one of his bodyguards, by an Israeli airstrike on his residence.
Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), which was responsible for protecting Haniyeh, said in early August that Haniyeh was assassinated with a "short-range projectile with a warhead of approximately 7 kilograms".
"This action was designed and implemented by the Zionist regime and supported by the criminal government of America," the IRGC added.
Western media reports suggested that Haniyeh was killed by explosive devices planted well in advance in his room, possibly by agents recruited by Mossad, Israel's intelligence agency. A report by The Telegraph says the devices were placed in three separate rooms of the guesthouse, pointing to a meticulously planned operation.
The assassination was carried out despite heightened security measures due to the inauguration which took place one day earlier, underscoring a severe breach in Iran's security apparatus.
A report by the New York Times said at the time that over two dozen individuals, including senior intelligence officers, military officials, and staff at the guesthouse, had been detained in connection with the incident.
Haniyeh's assassination was soon followed by a series of Israeli attacks killing other leaders of Iran-backed groups including Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah on September 27 and Haniyeh's successor Yahya Sinwar on October 16.
The move reflects concerns about escalating conflicts in the region and fears of Iraqi security being endangered after insurgents took control in neighboring Syria.
Iranian-backed militias in Iraq have launched multiple attacks targeting Israel since the Hamas attack on the Jewish state on October 7, 2023.
Following the assault, these militias began their operations by first targeting US forces in Syria and Iraq, before escalating their actions to include strikes against Israel itself.
Known as the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, the groups are a patchwork of Shi'ite militias and factions. The factions joined forces to largely defeat radical Sunni Islamic State in Iraq but continue to exert broad military and political control.
They typically use drones to target Israel, as Iraq does not share a land border with Israel.
A member of the al-Nujaba militia whose name was withheld expressed apprehension that the resurgence of Islamic State in Iraq could mirror or surpass the devastation experienced during the Syrian conflict.
The militia leader told al-Akhbar that the militias decided not to interfere in Syrian affairs and "to follow the situation from a distance, in addition to waiting to understand the orientations of the US President-elect, Donald Trump, and his policy towards the Middle East, specifically Iran."
Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba, officially known as the 12th Brigade, is a radical Iraqi Shi'ite paramilitary group primarily active in Iraq and formerly in Ba'athist Syria.
Founded in 2013 by Akram al-Kaabi, the group was established to support Bashar al-Assad's government in Syria against Islamist rebels. It is backed by the Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards' Quds Force, which provides financial support, weapons and training for its members.
The source suggested that a resurgence of Islamic State could upend the relative stability achieved in Iraq.
This follows broader US efforts to curtail the influence of Iranian-aligned forces in Iraq. The Iraqi newspaper Al-Mada mentioned leaked information suggesting a phone conversation between Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia' al-Sudani and Ahmad al-Shara', leader of Syrian new rulers, mediated by Turkey.
Concerns about ISIS sleeper cells activating across Iraq were part of the discussions.
Prime Minister al-Sudani confirmed Israeli threats to target positions of Iran-backed groups in Iraq, a claim also echoed in Al-Akhbar.
A member of the Kata’ib Sayyid al-Shuhada group also said that their operations against Israel were closely tied to Lebanese Hezbollah's campaigns and ceased following the ceasefire in Lebanon.
The militias' attacks on Israel were "linked to the operations of Lebanese Hezbollah. When the ceasefire was reached in Lebanon, the operations of the Iraqi factions stopped." The spokesman for the Kata’ib Sayyid al-Shuhada militia, Kazem al-Fartousi told the Lebanese daily.
"There are also partners in Iraq who have opinions and reservations about these operations, and they must be listened to."
Kata'ib Sayyid al-Shuhada', officially known as the 14th Brigade, is a radical Iraqi Shiite paramilitary group formed in 2013. Its stated mission is to protect Shi'ite shrines across the globe, preserve Iraqi unity, and put an end to the sectarian conflict. KSS is funded, trained and equipped by the IRGC's Quds Force and Hezbollah.
Prior to these developments, Iran International reported that commanders of the al-Nujaba movement, backed by Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), had secretly visited Tehran. This visit underscores ongoing coordination between Iran and its allied militias in Iraq amid evolving regional dynamics.
The reports reflect complex regional calculations, with Iraqi militias seeking to balance their stance based on the domestic power balance and regional military situation.
Since Khamenei explicitly said that he was speaking as the leader of the Islamic Republic and not offering an analysis, his words could signal that hostility toward Syria’s new government is now official policy for the Islamic Republic. This may serve as a directive for the Quds Force, the IRGC’s foreign operations branch.
This speech, Khamenei’s 1,936th during his 35-year tenure, delivered a clear message about the Islamic Republic’s position on Syria's new administration. While many regional nations have expressed hope for peace and stability in Syria, Khamenei underscored the need to oppose the new government, essentially advocating for its overthrow.
"The young Syrian has nothing to lose. His university is unsafe, his school is unsafe, his home is unsafe, his street is unsafe, his life is unsafe. What should he do? He must stand strong and determined against those who designed this insecurity and those who implemented it, and God willing, he will triumph over them," Khamenei said.
Khamenei also denied the existence of proxy groups tied to the Islamic Republic, even though such groups are widely recognized globally as Iran’s proxies. Organizations like Hezbollah, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, the Houthis, and Hashd al-Shaabi have openly acknowledged their dependence on and allegiance to Iran.
Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s leader, who was recently killed in an Israeli strike, repeatedly affirmed that Hezbollah relies entirely on Iran for its financial, military, and logistical support. This dependency is not unique to Hezbollah. Both the Houthis and Hamas have frequently acknowledged receiving financial and military assistance from Iran. Mahmoud al-Zahar, a senior Hamas leader, once disclosed that during a visit to Tehran, Qasem Soleimani personally handed him $22 million in cash, which Hamas representatives transported back to Gaza in suitcases. These statements from the leaders of these groups directly challenge Khamenei’s assertions that these forces operate independently and are not proxies of Iran.
Khamenei further claimed that the Islamic Republic does not need proxies and is capable of acting directly against the US and Israel if necessary. This assertion contradicts his admission just ten days earlier in another speech, where he acknowledged that Iran’s efforts to support Bashar al-Assad were thwarted by Israeli and US air forces.
Not only did Khamenei deny the existence of Iran's proxy forces, but he also refused to acknowledge the evident setbacks faced by Iran and its allied groups in the region. While Israel has destroyed Hamas infrastructure in Gaza, eliminated many of its leaders, including Ismail Haniyeh and Yahya Sinwar, and targeted Hezbollah’s command network, Khamenei continues to claim victory. These statements starkly contrast with the on-the-ground realities. Regional and international analysts widely agree that Iran's regional policies have failed. Israel's military strategy has successfully pushed Hezbollah away from the border, limiting its access to Israeli territory. Despite these setbacks, Khamenei persists in his analyses, insisting that Hezbollah has not been defeated.
Khamenei’s refusal to accept the realities in the region and his continued reliance on flawed analyses stem more from obstinacy than from genuine miscalculation. Rather than acknowledging his mistakes, he attempts to reshape facts to align with his vision. This stubbornness has wasted Iran’s financial and human resources while deepening animosity among regional nations and governments toward Iran.
Moreover, Khamenei not only dismisses external realities but also attempts to silence domestic critics. In his recent speech, he targeted opponents of the Islamic Republic's regional policies, branding them as mercenaries. This follows earlier threats in which he accused dissenting analysts of treason and demanded punitive measures against them. This repressive approach highlights Khamenei's growing concern over the potential domestic fallout from his regional policy failures and their impact on the Islamic Republic’s stability.
Denying failures and silencing critics will not resolve any issues; rather, they will exacerbate internal dissatisfaction and further isolate the Islamic Republic both regionally and globally. This persistent denial and obstinacy have already inflicted significant costs on the Iranian people. Khamenei's insistence on opposing Syria's new government and risks not only deepening regional instability but also fueling anti-Iran sentiment among the Syrian population and neighboring countries.
Simple entertainment such as going to the cinema, buying books, attending theater performances or even subscribing to home streaming services were once standard family activities. But now, they are slowly slipping out of reach for the average Iranian household, as at least one third of the country is living below the poverty line.
Iran's Farhikhtegan newspaper recently broke down the problem by numbers.
“Cinema, books, theater, home streaming, and concerts cost a family an average of about 73,000,000 rials ($94.8), while their minimum income is around 116,000,000 rials ($150 per month). This means that if they want to spend exclusively on cultural activities, they would have to allocate more than half of their income for this purpose."
Before the recent rise in the value of the dollar and the resulting devaluation of the rial, the average monthly income for a family of four was around $200.
However, due to the currency’s continued decline, the average monthly income has now fallen to just $150, further exacerbating the financial strain on Iranian families.
As of this month, the Iranian rial has plummeted to approximately 770,000 rials per US dollar. The sharp depreciation has further deepened the economic hardship for the average Iranian citizen, pushing basic living expenses, including food and medicine, out of reach for many.
The depreciation of the rial, driven by a mix of economic sanctions, inflation, and political instability, has devastated the purchasing power of Iranians, many of whom are now even forced to barter for basic goods like food and are struggling to heat their homes during the bleak winter months.
Cinema and books: The new luxuries
In Tehran, a typical movie ticket costs about 800,000 rials (roughly $1 USD) per person. For a family of four, that means a trip to the cinema costs 3,200,000 rials (around $4.2) just for the tickets.
To watch a film at one of Tehran's more popular cinemas, located at Iran Mall, using an internet taxi for a round-trip journey can cost approximately 3,500,000 rials ($4.5), making the total cost of the cinema outing about 7,000,000 rials ($9.1)—excluding snacks or meals, which could push the total closer to 20,000,000 rials ($26).
Children's books average about 1,400,000 rials ($1.8) per book, and adult books cost approximately 2,060,000 rials ($2.7) each. If a family of four buys three children's books and three adult books in a month, they would spend around 10,000,000 rials ($13). Additionally, supplementary or educational books cost roughly 3,040,000 rials ($3.9 USD) each, adding further strain to a family’s budget.
Theater and concerts: A dream for the few
The cost of attending theater performances has also skyrocketed. High-end theater tickets now range from 6000,000 rials ($7.8) to 14,000,000 rials ($18 USD) for premium shows.
For regular performances, prices range from 4,000,000 rials ($5.2 USD) to 6000,000 rials ($7.8). Even the more affordable comedy shows, which are not quite theater but have gained popularity, cost between 1,500,000 rials ($1.9) and 3,000,000 rials ($3.9).
Concerts, too, are no longer a modest indulgence. Ticket prices range from 2,000,000 rials ($2.6) to 11,000,000 rials ($14.3) for popular performances. On average, a family of four would pay around 26,000,000 rials ($34) for concert tickets alone, without factoring in transportation and food costs.
Subscription services for home entertainment have also become increasingly expensive. For instance, VOD platforms like Filimo, Namava, and FilmNet charge between 1,500,000 rials ($1.9) and 1,650,000 rials ($2.1) per month.
Additionally, families must pay for internet services, which can cost between 2,000,000 rials ($2.6) and 3,000,000 rials ($3.9) monthly. This means that a family could spend up to 8,000,000 rials ($10.4) per month just to access home streaming content.
