The assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh at his Tehran residence last Wednesday exposed security failures in Iran. An eyewitness report detailed the chaos and distress experienced by mountaineers and residents in the Tochal mountain area north of Tehran during the attack.
While the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) initially reported the incident as involving a "projectile from the air," new information points to a more intricate situation. The incident has triggered widespread controversy and speculation regarding the true nature of the attack and the weaknesses in Iran's security systems.
Proreform Roydad24 website has uncovered details indicating that the Tochal mountainous area, overlooking Haniyeh’s residence, was heavily secured on the day of the incident. According to the report, "On the day of the incident, the Tochal was under security protection, and all security camera footage from Tochal’s stations was seized by security personnel."
Tochal is a mountain and ski resort situated in the Alborz mountain range, near the metropolitan area of Tehran in northern Iran. The area features a 12-kilometer (7.5-mile) ridge, with its highest peak, also named Tochal, reaching an elevation of 3,963 meters (13,002 feet) above sea level. The Tochal Complex includes a gondola lift that transports visitors from Tehran to the ski resort and hotel.
Hamid, who manages a business at Tochal Station 1, reported being awakened at 5 AM by his staff, who informed him that intelligence agents had arrived and requested the store's security footage. Upon arriving at Tochal, Hamid discovered that access to the area was restricted, and everyone present was detained and interrogated until 1 PM.
Residents of Tochal reported hearing a loud noise and a roar around 2 AM on Wednesday, though no visible explosion was detected from the Tochal stations. This aligns with the IRGC’s updated statement suggesting that the projectile was fired from outside the guesthouse area, likely from the Tochal mountains. However, the exact identity of the damaged building remains unconfirmed.
Fars News, an IRGC-affiliated media outlet, initially reported that the attack was executed using a "projectile from the air." This report sparked a series of theories, including missile launches from outside Iran, pre-positioned bombs, and even drone or aircraft attacks.
Khalil al-Hayya, a senior Hamas official, claimed at a Tehran press conference that the assassination involved a missile.
"A missile hit the room where Haniyeh was staying, breaking the glass before impact and causing the wall to collapse," al-Hayya stated.
The IRGC’s subsequent confirmation on Saturday matched Roydad24’s findings, noting that a short-range projectile witha 7-kilogram warhead was used, and the attack came from outside the guesthouse area.
Initial official statements placed Haniyeh’s residence in northern Tehran, near Saadabad. However, IRGC-affiliated sources later pinpointed it as being within a Thar-Allah Headquarters base in northern Tehran.
Reports on Telegram channels close to the IRGC claimed that Haniyeh was secretly housed at a facility in northern Tehran, with even the building caretaker and local police unaware of his true identity.
Following the incident, images of a partially damaged building were published, reportedly within an IRGC base in Saadabad. Maxar Technologies provided satellite images showing minor differences before and after the incident, reinforcing media speculation about the building’s location.
Although Fars News denied the reports, stating Haniyeh was hit in Zafaraniyeh, social media users also shared images of a building in Saadabad, visible from the Tochal mountains.
The simplicity of the missile launch scenario might seem too straightforward, but Israel’s past sabotage and assassination operations in Iran have often relied on similar methods.
Former Iranian Intelligence Minister Ali Younesi highlighted this issue in July 2021, warning that Mossad’s infiltration posed a serious threat to Iranian officials.
The political leader of Hamas, Ismail Haniyeh, was among those targeted by Israel. Haniyeh was assassinated on Wednesday morning in Iran’s capital Tehran. He had traveled to Tehran to participate in the inauguration of Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on Tuesday.
While Israel did not claim responsibility, Iranian authorities and Hamas officials have blamed the Jewish state for the attack, vowing to retaliate.
Haniyeh, who has served as the senior political figure of Hamas, has been a central figure in the organization's leadership, a key bridge between Iran and Hamas since 2017. The New York Times reported that Haniyeh was killed by an explosive device hidden in a complex where he was known to stay. However, IRGC-affiliated Fars News denied the report stating that "the results of the experts' investigation indicate that Haniyeh was struck by a projectile."
Mohammed Al-Deif
Another high-profile figure, Mohammad Al-Deif, head of Hamas' military wing was killed in an Israeli airstrike in Gaza last month. The Israeli military confirmed Al-Deif death on Thursday, a day after Ismail Haniyeh was killed in Tehran. Al-Deif was believed to have been one of the masterminds of Hamas' Oct. 7 attack on southern Israel, but Israel was not certain about his death after he was targeted.
"The IDF (Israel Defense Forces) announced that on July 13th, 2024, IDF fighter jets struck in the area of Khan Yunis, and following an intelligence assessment, it can be confirmed that Mohammed Deif was eliminated in the strike," the military said on Thursday.
Rafa'a Salameh
Commander of the Khan Yunis Hamas unit, Rafa'a Salameh, was also targeted in the July 13 strike alongside Al-Deif. Salameh was responsible for overseeing activities in the Khan Yunis area, a key area in Gaza for Hamas' operations, and considered another mastermind behind Hamas’s missiles and drones attack on Israel in October.
The IDF announced the elimination of Salameh on July 14 stating: “Salameh was one of the masterminds behind the Oct. 7 massacre and commanded over plans for the development of tunnels in the Khan Yunis Brigade.”
Hezbollah Leadership
In addition to the Hamas figures, key members of Iran’s Lebanese proxy militant group Hezbollah have also been systematically targeted by Israel.
Fuad Shukr
Fuad Shukr, the "right-hand man" of Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah who served as his adviser for planning and directing wartime operations was killed in an Israeli airstrike in Beirut on Tuesday.
"Fuad Shukr has directed Hezbollah's attacks on the State of Israel since October 8th, and he was the commander responsible for the murder of the 12 children in Majdal Shams in northern Israel on Saturday evening, as well as the killing of numerous Israelis and foreign nationals over the years," the IDF said in a statement.
"As the Head of Hezbollah's Strategic Unit, Fuad was responsible for the majority of Hezbollah's most advanced weaponry, including precise-guided missiles, cruise missiles, anti-ship missiles, long-range rockets, and UAVs. He was responsible for force build-up, planning, and execution of terror attacks against the State of Israel," the statement added.
Mohammed Nasser
Top Hezbollah commander Mohammed Nasser was killed in an Israeli strike near the city of Tyre in south Lebanon on July 3. The IDF confirmed it successfully eliminated Nasser, whom they identified as the commander responsible for firing at Israel from southwestern Lebanon.
A Hezbollah official told the Associated Press that Nasser who went by the name “Abu Naameh” was head of the group’s Aziz Unit, one of three regional divisions in southern Lebanon.
Taleb Sami Abdullah
Top Hezbollah commander, Taleb Sami Abdullah known as Hajj Abu Taleb, was killed in an Israeli airstrike on June 11 in the Jouaiyya area of southern Lebanon.
Abdullah was the most senior member of the group to be killed in eight months of hostilities with Israel, Reuters reported citing a security source.
Hezbollah vowed to intensify its attacks along the Lebanon-Israel border to avenge Abdullah’s killing.
“Our response after the martyrdom of Abu Taleb will be to intensify our operations in severity, strength, quantity, and quality,” senior Hezbollah official Hashem Saffieddine said during Abdullah’s funeral ceremony which was attended by hundreds of the militant groups' members.
Abdallah was also a close friend of former Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps commander Qasem Soleimani who was assassinated by the United States in 2020.
On Sunday, Pezeshkian named Ali Tayyebnia, a long-time economic planner and manager, as his top economic advisor. Tayyebnia, who served as Minister of Economy during President Hassan Rouhani’s first term, earned a solid reputation before the United States reimposed economic sanctions in 2018.
Throughout Pezeshkian’s campaign and after his victory, many in Tehran believed Tayyebnia would be appointed First Vice President, a role that can carry significant influence depending on the officeholder. However, Tayyebnia announced in late July that he could not take on critical responsibilities due to personal reasons.
Pezeshkian’s second appointment on Sunday was Hamid Pourmohammadi, an economist and veteran manager in Iran’s predominantly state-controlled economy, as head of the Planning and Budget Organization. This organization is crucial for long-term economic planning and budget oversight.
Like Tayyebnia, Pourmohammadi is seen as a reliable expert, who held managerial position with both Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's government and with other administrations. Tayyebnia is closer to Iran's so-called reformists rather than the hardliner “revolutionary forces” that held power until President Ebrahim Raisi’s death in a helicopter crash in May and the subsequent elections.
Iran’s economy has been in crisis since 2018, but the Raisi administration, which relied heavily on political appointments from among hardliners, worsened the situation. The national currency, the rial, lost 50% of its value under Raisi, contributing to a persistent annual inflation rate of around 50%. Even conservative politicians and media criticized Raisi’s administration for mismanagement, calling for significant changes. However, the hardliners did the opposite, purging universities and institutions of reputable educators and managers.
While Tayyebnia’s reputation is solid by the standards of Iran’s clerical government, Pourmohammadi was implicated in a major corruption case in 2011 involving corruption in clandestine efforts to circumvent UN oil export sanctions imposed due to Iran’s nuclear program. He was arrested as a main suspect but later released on bail, though the fate of nearly $3 billion remains unknown. Some others involved served lengthy prison terms or fled the country. In the Islamic Republic, legal cases involving well-connected insiders often disappear into obscurity without clear resolution.
Pezeshkian faces pressure to improve the economy, with Tehran hoping for renewed negotiations with the United States that could lead to reduced sanctions. However, the ultimate decision-maker on the nuclear program and foreign policy is Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. The president’s ability to improve the economy is limited by the resources available, and a significant portion of oil revenues is allocated to the military, the nuclear program, and support for regional proxy forces across the Middle East—policies over which the president has no control.
Years of state control over the economy have also led to a deeply inefficient system plagued by corruption. Even without sanctions, creating a competitive global economy would be a significant challenge.