Israeli envoy says Iran’s people are Israel’s friends and allies

The IRGC operatives are also seeking access, through Omani sources, to the schedules and coordination details of ships passing through the southern route of the Strait of Hormuz, the sources said.

The special forces deployed by the IRGC are equipped with various intelligence-gathering systems, including land-based observation posts, naval equipment and aerial systems, and have recently been tasked with identifying in advance any vessel intending to pass through the southern route and issuing warnings about it, the sources said.

The sources also say that IRGC operatives are extensively gathering information from Omani sources and agents to learn ahead of time about the coordination and schedules of ship movements through the southern route and receive related alerts.

The IRGC has said the only authorized routes through the Strait of Hormuz are those designated by the Islamic Republic. It has warned international vessels not to use the southern corridor, which passes through waters near Oman’s coast and has been recommended by Oman and the International Maritime Organization.

The deployment of the IRGC monitoring and identification network, and its attempt to access shipping information through Omani sources, comes as Washington and Tehran agreed on Sunday after several rounds of exchanges of fire, to a temporary one-week de-escalation in the Strait of Hormuz.

Talks between the two sides are expected to continue in Doha based on a new proposal put forward by Oman.

Sources say the Islamic Republic, while sitting at the negotiating table, is strengthening its identification and warning chain for vessels that do not use Tehran-approved routes — a route at the center of the current dispute between Tehran and Washington.

The attack on a Singapore-flagged vessel

The pattern of last week’s IRGC attack on a commercial vessel in the southern route is consistent with the new mission assigned to these forces.

IRGC forces on Thursday, June 25, targeted a Singapore-flagged cargo ship in the Strait of Hormuz near Oman’s coast. According to the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations, the attack damaged the vessel’s bridge but caused no casualties. It came only hours after the IRGC Navy warned against using unauthorized routes.

US warplanes on Friday, June 26, struck Iranian missile and drone depots as well as coastal radar sites. The IRGC Navy responded by attacking US positions in the region and, citing Clause 5 of the Islamabad memorandum of understanding, said arrangements for controlling traffic through the Strait of Hormuz were under the authority of the Islamic Republic.

Three rival routes in one waterway

According to reports, three different routes have now emerged for passage through the Strait of Hormuz: the southern route near Omani waters, the middle route used before the war, and the northern route under Iranian control.

Ships that choose non-Iranian routes risk being targeted, while those that pass through the Iranian route fear exposure to Western sanctions if the agreement collapses.

An analyst at the shipping intelligence firm Kpler told CNN that if the disputes are not resolved by mid-August, use of all three routes will become more chaotic and insecure.

Because of naval mines in the traditional traffic separation scheme designated by the International Maritime Organization in 1968, the middle route remains effectively closed, although Tehran has committed under the war-ending memorandum to clear the mines within 30 days.

Ship traffic is now moving through two routes: one near Oman’s coast and one near Iran’s coast. The Iranian Navy has also warned vessels to pass only south of Larak Island.

The dispute over Hormuz management

The IRGC’s attempt to access shipping information through Omani sources is especially significant because Muscat is both the coastal state for the southern route and the mediator and architect of the framework for the ongoing talks.

Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the head of the Islamic Republic’s negotiating team, said in Oman on June 23 that management of the Strait of Hormuz would not return to the pre-war situation. He said Tehran, in talks with China and Egypt, had raised the idea of charging vessels a “service fee” modeled on the Dardanelles waterway.

But Omani Foreign Minister Badr al-Busaidi told Marco Rubio on June 25 that any possible mechanism for managing the Strait of Hormuz would not include tolls.

Officials of the Islamic Republic say Iran and Oman have joint sovereignty over the Strait and that after the 60-day deadline set in the memorandum expires, they will begin joint management and toll collection. The United States, however, regards the Strait of Hormuz as an international waterway and says any new mechanism there would require the approval of Persian Gulf countries.

Kazem Gharibabadi, Iran’s deputy foreign minister, has also previously said the safe passage of ships through the Strait of Hormuz cannot be guaranteed without coordination with Iran, warning that if such coordination does not take place, designated routes could be suspended.

A waterway far from normal

Two weeks after the signing of the 14-article Islamabad memorandum, which called for an end to the war on all fronts, the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and the end of the US naval blockade, traffic through the Strait remains only a fraction of pre-war levels.

The number of vessel transits reached about 70 on June 24, the highest level since the start of the war. Before the war, an average of about 130 vessels passed through the waterway each day.

The secretary-general of the International Maritime Organization has said 14 seafarers have been killed since the start of the Strait of Hormuz crisis. The organization also temporarily suspended the evacuation of about 600 ships and 11,000 sailors stranded in the area after the attack on the Singapore-flagged vessel.

Tracking data nevertheless shows that ships are continuing to use the southern route despite Tehran’s warnings. The Joint Maritime Information Center, which operates under US Navy oversight, has also said the route near Oman’s coast is being expanded to allow two-way traffic.

Under these conditions, the IRGC’s deployment of special forces to identify vessels on the southern route in advance, and its efforts to obtain shipping information through Omani sources, show Tehran is preparing to exert control over the same corridor Washington and Muscat are working to expand.

Sources inside Iran told Iran International that Khamenei does not intend to extend Eje'i’s term for another five years, breaking with a practice followed for nearly four decades in which judiciary chiefs have usually served two consecutive five-year terms.

The sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the decision is not aimed at judicial reform but is part of a broader reshaping of power after the recent war.

They said the new supreme leader is seeking to replace key officials in major state institutions with figures more closely aligned with him.

Eje'i’s expected removal could mark one of the first major signs of Khamenei’s effort to rebuild control over the Islamic Republic’s judicial, security and political apparatus after the transfer of power.

Hardliners step up pressure on Eje'i

The decision comes amid growing criticism of Eje'i from hardline figures after the names of Supreme National Security Council members who voted in favor of a memorandum of understanding with the United States were disclosed.

Critics say Eje'i’s vote was at odds with Khamenei’s stated position, after the leader said in a letter that he had, in principle, held a different view on the memorandum of understanding.

Signs of dissatisfaction with Eje'i’s five-year record have also appeared in recent official and semi-official commentary close to the power structure.

In a message marking Judiciary Week, Khamenei did not clearly endorse Eje'i’s continuation in office. Instead, he addressed the judiciary as an institution and called for the “actualization” of demands previously made by former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

The message repeated calls for the implementation of the judicial transformation document, fighting corruption inside the judiciary, reviving public rights, blocking the use of recommendations and lobbying, and improving communication with the public.

Eje'i seeks to defend his record

A day later, Eje'i published a letter to Khamenei in deferential language, defending the judiciary’s performance and pledging to continue the path of “judicial transformation.”

“I and all components of the judiciary consider ourselves obliged to carry out Your Excellency’s binding commands precisely, swiftly and without any reduction,” Eje'i wrote.

Media outlets and figures close to the establishment criticized Eje'i for not publishing such a letter before Khamenei’s message. Some also described the new leader’s renewed emphasis on his father’s demands as a negative assessment of Eje'i’s record, arguing that their repetition showed the judiciary had failed to deliver practical results under him.

Rival factions inside the establishment have also stepped up attacks on Eje'i, accusing him of distancing himself from the leadership’s demands.

Media close to Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and President Masoud Pezeshkian have described the attacks as part of an effort by the faction aligned with Saeed Jalili, a member of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, and the Paydari Front to create divisions among senior officials and weaken the postwar political path.

Media close to the judiciary and Eje'i’s supporters have sought to portray his five-year record as successful, citing reduced imprisonment, electronic court proceedings, shorter trials, anti-corruption efforts and public outreach.

Rights groups point to record of repression

Human rights groups and activists say Eje'i is not a reformist figure but a long-standing part of the Islamic Republic’s repressive judicial and security apparatus.

They point to his record in the Special Clerical Court, the Ministry of Intelligence, and later as first deputy and head of the judiciary, saying his tenure has been marked by continued heavy sentences against protesters, political activists, journalists, prisoners of conscience and minorities.

Rights advocates say the judiciary under Eje'i has continued to act as the legal and executive arm of security institutions in political and security cases.

They also argue that replacing Eje'i alone would not bring meaningful change without structural reform, an end to security interference in judicial cases, guaranteed access to lawyers, a halt to forced confessions, the annulment of political verdicts and respect for fair trial standards.

The directive by the Supreme National Security Council said that, with programs linked to what it called the “historic funeral procession of the martyred Leader of the Revolution” beginning Friday, media outlets should help preserve national cohesion and maintain a focused media narrative.

It recommended that issues related to follow-up on the Islamabad memorandum of understanding — including the “balanced implementation of commitments,” especially over Hormuz, developments inside Lebanon, what it called the destructive role of the Lebanese government, the need to end Israeli attacks and opposition to externally imposed solutions — be gradually removed from media priority over the next 48 hours.

Instead, the directive said media capacity should mainly be used to explain the “personal, intellectual, cultural, political, historical and national dimensions of Iran’s martyr,” reflect “the presence and solidarity of the people,” and provide the “most magnificent possible coverage” of the ceremonies.

It said that if any “transgression or aggression” by enemies occurred during the period, “the issue of continuing defense alongside the holding of extensive ceremonies related to the funeral procession will naturally receive attention.”

The directive also urged outlets to avoid amplifying “internal political disputes, factional disagreements, media controversies” and issues that could polarize public opinion or divert attention from what it called a “national and historic occasion.”

News and analysis related to “negotiations, the agreement and other political and regional developments” should be covered “only to the extent necessary,” it said, warning media outlets not to turn those issues into the main focus of coverage or reproduce and amplify “rival media narratives about Iran’s defeat or retreat.”

A source in Baghdad told Iran International that over 30 Iraqi officials had been arrested so far in the operation.

The source said the move followed the recent visit of Tom Barrack, US President Donald Trump’s special envoy, to Iraq and his meeting with newly appointed Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi.

A journalist in Baghdad told Iran International that the arrests included current and former members of parliament.

The journalist said the process was easier because parliament is in its summer recess. Under normal circumstances, legal steps against a sitting lawmaker require parliamentary procedures over immunity, but the recess has made the process less politically exposed.

Iran International has learned from sources in Baghdad that some of those arrested are officials affiliated with Shia parties close to Iran.

Iraqi media have confirmed that the brother of former Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani is among those detained.

A joint force from Iraq’s Counter Terrorism Service, the army and other security bodies began the operation before dawn Sunday in Baghdad’s Green Zone and several other areas of the capital.

The Green Zone is the heavily fortified district that houses Iraq’s parliament, government offices, foreign embassies and the residences of senior political figures.

The operation is said to be linked to the corruption case of Adnan al-Jumaili, a former senior Oil Ministry official detained last month.

Iraqi and regional media have reported that al-Jumaili’s testimony led to arrest warrants against a wider network of officials.

The case is politically sensitive because it is linked not only to corruption but also to allegations involving the smuggling of Iranian oil, a long-running sanctions-evasion channel that has drawn increasing US pressure on Baghdad.

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Public reports on the scale of the operation have varied, but Shafaq News, citing well-informed sources, said 43 officials, politicians, businessmen and lawmakers were detained in the first phase of the crackdown. Asharq Al-Awsat earlier cited an Iraqi official as putting the number at 38.

Reuters, citing security and legal sources, described the raids as the start of a broader anti-corruption campaign ordered by Zaidi, who took office in May and has promised to confront corruption and armed groups operating outside state authority.

Zaidi’s government is preparing for closer engagement with Washington, while the United States has pressed Baghdad to curb Iran-backed militias, tighten control over weapons and prevent Iraqi territory from being used by groups aligned with Tehran.

The raids also came on the same day Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi visited Baghdad for talks with senior Iraqi officials, amid heightened regional tensions and renewed attacks involving Iran, the United States and Persian Gulf states.

An underground complex built by the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) to protect former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei included a blast-resistant room and escape tunnels beneath central Tehran, according to information received by Iran International.

Iran International obtained architectural plans for the facility from an informed source, and a security source confirmed the documents’ authenticity.

The plans show that the IRGC spent about a decade building the underground compound, known as Habib Ebrahimi, next to Khamenei’s official residence.

The complex, named after Khamenei's former driver Habib Ebrahimi, who died before construction began, was built between 2009 and the late 2010s, according to the information.

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