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Nearly half of Iranians live in land subsidence zones, report warns

Jun 30, 2026, 08:11 GMT+1
A large sinkhole caused by land subsidence opens beneath a street in Iran.
A large sinkhole caused by land subsidence opens beneath a street in Iran.

Land subsidence has expanded into a nationwide crisis affecting nearly half of Iran’s population, with parliamentary researchers warning the damage could become irreversible if current trends continue, Shargh newspaper reported on Monday.

Around 39 million people, or about 49% of Iran’s population, live in areas affected by land subsidence or at risk of its expansion, according to the latest report by the Iranian parliament’s research center cited by Shargh. The report said the phenomenon now covers about 185,000 square kilometers, nearly 11% of the country’s land area.

“Land subsidence is no longer confined to a handful of plains or isolated regions and has become a national crisis that threatens Iran’s territorial security and development outlook,” Shargh wrote, citing the parliamentary findings.

More than 380 cities and 9,200 villages are located in affected areas or in zones where subsidence is expected to spread, underscoring the scale of the challenge.

Groundwater depletion drives crisis

The parliamentary research center identified excessive groundwater extraction as the primary cause of land subsidence, with declining rainfall and prolonged drought accelerating the process.

As underground aquifers are depleted, soil layers compact and the ground sinks, a process that is often irreversible and permanently reduces the aquifers' capacity to store water, the report said.

Ground fissures caused by land subsidence cut across dry terrain in Iran. (undtaed)
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Ground fissures caused by land subsidence cut across dry terrain in Iran.

The findings warned that subsidence poses a growing threat to roads, railways, water, gas, electricity and telecommunications networks, as well as residential buildings and historical monuments.

The report also said the phenomenon carries broad economic, social and public health consequences by increasing infrastructure maintenance costs, reducing property values, disrupting economic activity, degrading water quality and encouraging migration.

Recent reports have highlighted land subsidence as an increasing risk to some of Iran’s historical sites.

In September 2025, earthquake expert Mehdi Zare warned Iran was heading toward an “urban catastrophe” because of worsening land subsidence. Three months later, National Cartographic Center chief Eskandar Seydaiee said every part of the country except the Caspian Sea coastal provinces was experiencing subsidence to varying degrees.

Tehran faces the highest risk

Tehran is Iran’s most severely affected province, with about 1,630 square kilometers – roughly 12.5% of its area – already experiencing land subsidence, Shargh said.

The main hotspots are the Varamin plain and southwestern parts of the province, including Tehran municipal districts 17, 18, 19 and 21, along with the cities of Eslamshahr, Shahriar and Malard.

The report attributed the capital’s worsening conditions largely to concentrated overuse of groundwater resources.

Groundwater, it said, supplied about 26% of Tehran’s water at the beginning of the 2010s but now accounts for around 45%. Other estimates suggest dependence is even higher, with 62% of the capital’s water drawn from underground aquifers and only 38% from surface sources.

The findings come after Iranian officials warned this month that six consecutive years of drought, falling rainfall and dwindling renewable water resources have left Tehran facing a deepening water supply crisis, adding to concerns that continued overexploitation of groundwater will intensify land subsidence across the country.

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Is Tehran preparing to reinvent the IRGC?

Jun 30, 2026, 07:44 GMT+1
•
Negar Mojtahedi
Is Tehran preparing to reinvent the IRGC?
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IRGC commanders Ahmad Vahidi (right) and Reza Sahaban stand before portraits of slain commanders in an event in Tehran, January 25, 2026

Comments by an establishment pundit suggesting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) could be dismantled from within have raised an extraordinary question: is Tehran preparing to reinvent one of the pillars of the Islamic Republic?

The idea would have sounded almost unthinkable just months ago.

But the remarks by Mehdi Khorratian, who has close ties to Iran's hardline establishment, have fueled speculation that at least some in Tehran may be considering a major overhaul of the Islamic Republic's power structure.

Experts interviewed by Iran International say the more revealing question is not whether the IRGC disappears—it is what, if anything, replaces it.

Some believe any restructuring would amount to little more than a rebranding designed to preserve the Guard's power while shedding some of its political and economic baggage. Others see the debate as evidence that Iran's leadership understands the country cannot emerge from the recent war unchanged.

Constitutional obstacle

Historian Shahram Kholdi argues dismantling the IRGC is far more complicated than simply abolishing a military organization.

"The IRGC is not called the Revolutionary Guard Corps of Iran. It is called the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. That is very important," he said.

The obstacle, he argues, lies in the constitution. Article 150 of the Islamic Republic's constitution establishes the Guard not as a conventional military force but as the institution responsible for "guarding the revolution and its achievements."

That ideological mandate makes outright dissolution highly unlikely.

Instead, Kholdi believes the leadership would preserve the system while adapting its structure.

"They will not allow any disruption in the continuity of the Islamic Republic, but they will turn it into what it has been over the past 30 years: a fully military oligarchy disguised as a theocracy," he said.

Kholdi argues restructuring could also serve a practical purpose. As Western governments continue to designate the IRGC as a terrorist organization, folding it into a broader military structure could make it easier for Iranian officials to participate in future international security arrangements linked to any agreement with Washington while complicating efforts to isolate the organization itself.

"It would actually make things much more flexible for them," he said.

A toxic brand

Political analyst Omid Memarian says the IRGC itself has become a liability.

"The IRGC has become a huge liability, both domestically and internationally," he said.

Domestically, he argues, the Guard has become associated with economic mismanagement, political repression and deep involvement across nearly every sector of Iranian life. Internationally, sanctions and terrorism designations have made the organization increasingly costly for Tehran to defend.

"The brand name has become a liability for Iran more and more over the past few years," Memarian said.

That does not necessarily mean the institution itself is disappearing. Rather, he says, it could signal an effort to package the same power structure differently.

"The same people who created this system are doing the rebranding," he said.

Memarian nevertheless believes the debate reflects something larger than institutional reform.

"There is an unwritten consensus that Iran needs a massive departure from the pre-war era," he said.

The debate is unfolding alongside unusually sharp criticism from ultrahardline figures aligned with Saeed Jalili, who have portrayed the post-war political direction as an internal "coup" against Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei. They accuse figures linked to Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and President Masoud Pezeshkian of steering the Islamic Republic away from its revolutionary course.

Name change or real change?

For Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior director of the Iran Program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, the debate begins with a literary question.

"All of this reminds me of the Shakespeare quote from Romeo and Juliet: 'What's in a name?' What is in the name of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps? Its mission is in the name: to preserve, protect and defend the Islamic Revolution."

He does not believe the IRGC is likely to disappear. Instead, he cautions Western governments against confusing cosmetic changes with genuine reform.

"Real transformation comes with behavior. It comes with substance—not style," Ben Taleblu said.

"The West has to distinguish fake transformation from real transformation."

Whether the organization is renamed or folded into another military structure matters less, he argues, than whether it continues sponsoring militant groups abroad, dominating Iran's economy and serving as the central pillar of the Islamic Republic's security apparatus.

"Substance is whether the entity—whatever it's called—continues to act like the IRGC," he said.

A post-war identity crisis

Ultimately, the debate over the IRGC reflects the broader question confronting the Islamic Republic after the recent war: can the system reinvent itself without changing its fundamentals?

Kholdi believes any restructuring would further entrench military rule beneath a religious façade. Memarian argues the leadership recognizes that the pre-war model is no longer sustainable but doubts the same political elite can fundamentally transform the system they built. Ben Taleblu, meanwhile, warns against mistaking pragmatism for moderation.

"People mistake Ghalibaf's opportunism for moderation," he said.

For now, the discussion reveals less about the imminent disappearance of the IRGC than about the Islamic Republic's search for a model capable of surviving its deepest crisis in decades.

Whether that future involves genuine reform or simply a new name for an old institution remains an open question.

Iran bows out of World Cup amid flags, Pride and protest

Jun 30, 2026, 00:51 GMT+1
•
Negar Mojtahedi
Iran bows out of World Cup amid flags, Pride and protest
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Iran's Shoja Khalilzadeh looks dejected after his last minute goal against Egypt gets disallowed after a VAR review, June 26, 2026

Iran's World Cup campaign ended on Saturday after a 1–1 draw with Egypt and results elsewhere confirmed Team Melli's elimination from the tournament.

But for many Iranians, the tournament had long ceased to be just about football.

Their final match in Seattle, played during the city's Pride celebrations, became a showcase for the political, cultural and human rights debates that increasingly follow Iran's national team wherever it plays.

Inside the stadium, rainbow flags flew alongside the pre-revolution Lion and Sun flag, while many Iranian supporters wore shirts and carried banners commemorating victims of the January 8–9 massacre. Outside, hundreds marched toward the stadium chanting against the Islamic Republic.

In parts of the Iranian diaspora, Team Melli no longer represents just a football team. It has become inseparable from debates over the Islamic Republic itself.

That question—whether it is possible to cheer for Iran's national team without appearing to cheer for the state it represents—has divided supporters for years. It resurfaced again in Seattle.

A stoppage-time goal by Shoja Khalilzadeh briefly appeared to keep Iran's World Cup hopes alive before it was ruled out for offside following a VAR review. Hours later, a 3–3 draw between Austria and Algeria ended Iran's hopes of advancing to the Round of 32 as one of the tournament's best third-placed teams.

Pride celebration

The match had been designated a Pride celebration by Seattle's local World Cup organizers before the tournament draw paired Iran with Egypt.

The pairing quickly drew attention because both countries have long been criticized by international human rights organizations for their treatment of LGBTQ+ people.

In Iran, same-sex relations are criminalized and can carry the death penalty. In Egypt, LGBTQ+ people have faced arrests, imprisonment and prosecution under morality-related laws.

Although later removed by city officials, Iranian and Egyptian national flags had earlier flown alongside the rainbow Pride flag in downtown Seattle.

Many fans admitted they knew little about the realities facing LGBTQ+ people in Iran.

"I honestly don't know much," one supporter said.

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After learning that same-sex relations can carry the death penalty, another described the situation as "devastating."

A self-described queer man who supports LGBTQ+ refugees called the pairing "kind of ironic."

"I do think that it's kind of ironic that Egypt and Iran are doing the Pride match because obviously queer people are persecuted in those countries," he said.

The conversations reflected a broader disconnect. While many supporters expressed strong backing for LGBTQ+ rights, few were familiar with conditions in countries where homosexuality remains criminalized.

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Politics follows Team Melli

In Seattle, the political divide surrounding Team Melli was embodied by the absence of goalkeeper Rashid Mazaheri.

Mazaheri publicly blamed Ali Khamenei and the Islamic Republic for the January 8–9 killings before reportedly being detained by Iranian authorities.

"I offer my condolences to the families who lost their loved ones for Iran," he wrote on social media. "We all know who is responsible for all the recent killings and crimes is none other than Ali Khamenei and the cursed Islamic Republic."

For many protesters outside the stadium, his absence from the World Cup squad served as another reminder that politics continues to shape Iranian football as much as events on the pitch.

The scrutiny surrounding Team Melli has extended far beyond Seattle. Throughout the tournament, players were repeatedly asked about the Islamic Republic, women's rights and LGBTQ+ issues—questions few other national teams routinely faced.

Captain Mehdi Taremi drew international attention when he said, "We respect all LGBT people," a statement that resonated with many supporters given Iran's laws criminalizing same-sex relations.

The exchange prompted comedian and former The Daily Show host Trevor Noah to write on social media: "Funny how some teams get asked about football… and others get asked to explain the world."

For many Iranian fans, the remark captured the reality facing Team Melli. Every press conference, every interview and every match has become intertwined with questions extending far beyond football.

Several members of the squad have also appeared at pro-government events or publicly backed the Islamic Republic, reinforcing the view among many protesters that the team cannot be separated from the state it represents.

Many demonstrators said they did not expect players to openly challenge the authorities. They did, however, expect them not to publicly advocate on behalf of the government.

"I'm here to protest because I think this team is not my team. This is the team of the Islamic Republic and the IRGC."

"I wish I could be in a place where I could support that team, but I am not. We are not supporting you—we are supporting the Iranian people," another supporter draped in the Lion and Sun flag said.

One fan carrying the official flag of the Islamic Republic took the opposite view.

"When it comes to the beautiful game, we should all unite under one flag and chant for our country's name, Iran," he said.

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As supporters filed out of Seattle Stadium after the final whistle, Team Melli's World Cup journey had come to an end.

As supporters filed out of Seattle Stadium after the final whistle, Team Melli's World Cup journey had come to an end. Yet the defining images of Iran's final match were as much the Lion and Sun flags, rainbow banners and shirts bearing the names and faces of those killed in the January 8–9 massacre as the disallowed goal that sealed Iran's elimination—if not more so.

For many Iranians, whenever Team Melli takes the field, the game is rarely just about football.

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Wildfire burns through southern protected forests in Iran

Jun 29, 2026, 12:36 GMT+1
Wildfire burns through southern protected forests in Iran
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Wildfire burns through the Khaiez protected area on Badil Mountain near Behbahan in Iran's Khuzestan province.

A wildfire continued to burn through protected Zagros forests near Behbahan for a fourth day on Monday, exposing persistent shortages of aerial firefighting equipment after similar blazes in southern Iran earlier this month.

The fire, which began on Friday on Badil Mountain in the Khaiez protected area of Khuzestan province, remained uncontrolled despite efforts by local volunteers, mountaineers and rescue teams, Iranian state media reported on Monday.

Officials said rugged terrain, strong winds and high temperatures have made firefighting operations difficult. Several active fire hotspots remain in remote mountain areas that require hours of hiking to reach.

The lack of dedicated aerial firefighting capacity has again drawn attention. Khuzestan province has no dedicated water-dropping helicopters or firefighting aircraft.

Khuzestan Governor Mohammadreza Mowlazadeh has requested that the central government dispatch a helicopter to assist with the operation.

The province's natural resources chief also stressed the urgent need for aerial support, saying most of the fire in accessible areas had been contained but blazes in hard-to-reach terrain continued to spread.

A local conservation volunteer died after suffering burns while helping to extinguish the fire on Saturday. One other person was injured.

Wildfire burns through the Khaiez protected area on Badil Mountain near Behbahan in Iran's Khuzestan province.
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Wildfire burns through the Khaiez protected area on Badil Mountain near Behbahan in Iran's Khuzestan province.

The Khaiez and Badil areas are protected ecosystems in Khuzestan containing rangelands, shrubs and sidr trees that are vulnerable to wildfires during the summer. Heavy rainfall last year increased vegetation growth, raising the amount of dry fuel available for fires this season.

The blaze follows weeks of forest fires across the Zagros range in Fars province, where volunteers and environmental activists said widespread fires, aging equipment, limited resources and weak management had severely hampered firefighting efforts despite official announcements that the fires had been brought under control.

Fars province experienced an unusually severe wave of forest fires between May and late June.

Why falling oil prices don't mean Hormuz crisis is over

Jun 29, 2026, 04:58 GMT+1
•
Dalga Khatinoglu
Why falling oil prices don't mean Hormuz crisis is over
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Global oil prices have fallen back to around where they stood before the Iran war. But the decline reflects not a recovery in supply but a combination of emergency measures including strategic reserve releases, alternative export routes and, above all, weakening global demand.

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), the massive supply shock triggered by disruptions in the Persian Gulf has been partially offset by excess oil production accumulated last year and in early 2026, emergency stock releases by industrialized countries, Saudi Arabia's and the UAE's use of export routes bypassing the Strait of Hormuz, and a sharp decline in global oil demand led by China.

The scale of the disruption remains enormous. Oil production across the Persian Gulf has fallen by more than 10 million barrels per day over recent months, resulting in a cumulative production loss of roughly 1.3 billion barrels.

At the same time, global oil demand contracted by about 5.5 million barrels per day in the second quarter of 2026 as economic activity slowed.

China, the world's largest crude importer, has reduced its oil imports by roughly 40 percent—or about 4.6 million barrels per day—over recent months, making weaker demand one of the biggest reasons prices have retreated.

Even so, the region's oil exports remain about 25 percent below their February levels, and restoring pre-war export capacity is likely to take many months. In some cases—particularly Qatar's damaged liquefied natural gas (LNG) facilities—a full recovery could take years.

Another temporary buffer has come from floating storage. Iran alone holds around 150 million barrels of crude at sea, while Washington's two-month waiver allowing Iranian oil exports has also helped ease market tensions.

Those inventories are helping cushion the supply shock, but they cannot replace the region's lost production capacity.

Meanwhile, production of crude oil and other petroleum liquids across the Persian Gulf region remains roughly 45 percent below February levels. Even Saudi Arabia—which can bypass the Strait of Hormuz through its East-West pipeline to the Red Sea—is producing well below pre-war levels, underscoring the scale of the disruption.

In total, the loss of roughly 1.3 billion barrels of production has only been partially offset by the release of more than 300 million barrels from the strategic reserves of industrialized countries.

Even under the most optimistic scenario, repairing the damage inflicted on global oil markets by the Strait of Hormuz crisis is unlikely before the middle of next year.

Geopolitical risks also remain elevated. Thursday's attack on a commercial vessel near Oman underscored how fragile maritime security remains despite the ceasefire. Shipping costs in waters south of Iran have risen to roughly 5.5 times their pre-war levels, while tanker charter rates have surged to nearly nine times their pre-war levels.

The disruption extends well beyond crude oil. Exports of petrochemicals, metals, fertilizers, helium and other raw materials from the Arab Gulf continue to face severe constraints, with implications for global industry, agriculture, supply chains and international trade.

Oil prices returning to the $72–74 range should therefore not be interpreted as evidence that the crisis has passed. They instead reflect a market being sustained by emergency inventories and demand destruction rather than recovering supply.

Until shipping through the Strait of Hormuz returns to normal and Persian Gulf production fully recovers, the global economy will remain vulnerable to renewed energy shocks and heightened market volatility.

Iran, US trade attacks as fragile truce comes under strain, talks stall

Jun 28, 2026, 20:01 GMT+1
Iran, US trade attacks as fragile truce comes under strain, talks stall
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Iran and the United States stepped up attacks on Sunday despite an interim peace accord, with Tehran targeting US military sites in Kuwait and Bahrain and Washington striking Iranian military facilities near the Strait of Hormuz.

The renewed violence added pressure to a fragile truce and efforts under the interim accord to reach a final agreement within 60 days.

Attacks in Kuwait, Bahrain

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said its navy and air forces launched missile and drone operations against US military sites in Kuwait and Bahrain, after accusing Washington of violating the ceasefire.

The IRGC said the US strikes “will result in the complete halt of all diplomatic processes.” The IRGC navy command also warned that US bases in the region “will experience hell in the coming days.”

A US official told Reuters there were no reported US casualties or major damage to US sites in the Middle East, though the situation was still unfolding. CBS News separately reported, citing a US official, that no Iranian drones or missiles launched at US assets in Bahrain and Kuwait on Saturday night reached their targets.

Kuwait said its air defenses intercepted two ballistic missiles with no damage or casualties, while Bahrain said it intercepted several Iranian attacks and that a residential building in Muharraq province was damaged, also with no casualties reported.

Qatar separately said one of its nationals died after sustaining shrapnel injuries aboard a vessel that had gone missing on Saturday.

A second person was injured in the incident, which Qatar’s interior ministry attributed to “military operations in the area” without giving a location or apportioning blame.

US strikes, Hormuz tensions

US Central Command said its latest strikes followed an Iranian drone attack on the Panama-flagged tanker M/T Kiku near the Strait of Hormuz and targeted Iranian surveillance, communications, air defense, drone storage and mine-laying facilities.

President Donald Trump threatened further military action if Iran failed to comply with the interim accord.

“There may come a point when we are no longer able to be reasonable, and will be forced to militarily complete the job that we very successfully started,” Trump said on Truth Social. “If that happens, the Islamic Republic of Iran will no longer exist!”

US Ambassador to the United Nations Mike Waltz said Washington would keep targeting Iranian military infrastructure if Tehran threatened shipping in the Strait of Hormuz.

“If the Iranian regime thinks for a second that President Trump is going to sit by, stand by, while Iran continues to attack international shipping without a response, or our bases without a response, they’re sadly mistaken,” Waltz told Fox News Sunday.

Waltz said the United States would “continue to, militarily, if needed, take down their infrastructure” used to “illegally control an international waterway,” while adding that Trump would “always give diplomacy a chance.”

Iranian officials insisted Tehran would retain control over maritime arrangements in the Strait of Hormuz.

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said in Baghdad that Iran alone was responsible for managing and fully reopening maritime traffic in the strait under recent understandings, warning that outside intervention would complicate conditions, delay a return to normal traffic and increase tensions.

Iranian lawmakers also warned that the strait would not return to its pre-war state. Ebrahim Azizi, head of parliament’s national security and foreign policy committee, said foreign vessels must use routes designated by Iran’s armed forces and would not be allowed to use any other path.

Attacks draw widening condemnation

Saudi Arabia said the Iranian attacks on Kuwait and Bahrain also targeted maritime security and freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, calling them a violation of international law and the UN Charter.

Qatar called the attacks a breach of Kuwaiti and Bahraini sovereignty, Jordan said they threatened regional security, and Oman urged restraint and diplomacy.

Britain’s Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper condemned the attacks on Bahrain, Kuwait and in the Strait of Hormuz, saying they were putting civilian lives at risk and curtailing freedom of navigation.

Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani also condemned the Iranian attacks on Bahrain and Kuwait, warning that further escalation could jeopardize diplomatic understandings and reaffirming Italy’s commitment to freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz.

US-Iran talks stall

The latest attacks followed a 14-point memorandum of understanding meant to halt fighting that began on February 28, reopen the Strait of Hormuz and allow talks to proceed on issues including Iran’s nuclear program.

The renewed attacks appeared to complicate efforts under the interim accord to reach a final agreement within 60 days.

US-Iran nuclear talks expected to resume this weekend in Switzerland have been stalled amid recent hostilities, The Wall Street Journal reported Sunday, citing people familiar with the matter.

Separately, Al Arabiya reported, citing a US official, that technical talks with Iran were proceeding according to the set schedule. Al Jazeera also reported, citing a senior US official, that technical talks on implementing the memorandum of understanding with Iran remained scheduled for the coming days.

Mehdi Fazaeili, member of ⁠the Office of Preservation ‌and ​Publication of the Works of ​Iran’s Supreme ⁠Leader told state ‌TV on Sunday that Tehran had not taken part in technical talks slated for Sunday due to recent attacks ​on the country ‌and unfulfilled conditions of the memorandum of understanding with the United States.

"For ​example one of the ‌reasons is checking if ​we have access to the unfrozen funds, ​if there is no access then this condition has not been fulfilled," Fazaeili said.