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Caspian seals face extinction threat as deaths continue

Jun 22, 2026, 10:26 GMT+1
A dead Caspian seal lies on a beach along the Caspian Sea coast.
A dead Caspian seal lies on a beach along the Caspian Sea coast.

The repeated deaths of Caspian seals along the shores of the Caspian Sea have become a persistent environmental concern, with experts still unable to identify a definitive cause despite years of investigations, according to a report by Iran's Shargh newspaper.

What was once an occasional discovery has turned into a recurring pattern. Seal carcasses continue to wash ashore across the Caspian coastline, prompting authorities and environmental organizations to record the losses while searching for answers.

Researchers increasingly view the deaths as the result of multiple pressures rather than a single cause. Climate change, declining water levels, industrial pollution, overfishing, accidental entanglement in fishing nets and the possible spread of disease have all been cited as contributing factors.

The Caspian seal (Pusa caspica) is the only marine mammal native to the Caspian Sea and one of the region's most distinctive species. Found nowhere else in the world, it plays a key role in maintaining ecological balance by feeding on small fish and other aquatic organisms.

Environmental experts regard the species as an indicator of the sea's overall health. A decline in seal numbers can point to broader problems, including pollution, shrinking fish stocks and disruption of the marine food chain.

The species is also part of the shared natural heritage of the five countries bordering the Caspian Sea — Iran, Russia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. Its survival is closely linked to the environmental future of a region where millions depend on fishing, tourism and coastal industries.

Deaths across the Caspian

The crisis attracted international attention in 2022 when around 2,500 dead Caspian seals were found along Russia's Dagestan coast in one of the largest recorded die-offs involving the species.

Scientists examined a range of possible causes, including disease outbreaks, oxygen depletion, environmental contamination and natural gas emissions from the seabed. No definitive explanation emerged.

File photo shows a Caspian seal resting on a sandy shoreline. (Undated)
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File photo shows a Caspian seal resting on a sandy shoreline.

The event was not isolated. Hundreds of dead seals had previously been recorded along the Dagestan coastline, suggesting that large-scale mortality events are becoming a recurring feature of the Caspian ecosystem.

Researchers also point to climate change as a growing threat. Caspian seals rely on ice in the northern part of the sea to breed and raise their pups. Rising temperatures and shrinking winter ice cover have reduced the availability of suitable breeding habitat, placing additional pressure on an already vulnerable population.

Population in decline

Conservation estimates indicate the Caspian seal population has fallen by more than 90 percent over the past century. Once numbering above one million animals, the population is now believed to have dropped below 100,000.

The species is listed as endangered by the International Union for Conservation of Nature, reflecting concerns about its long-term survival.

Amir Sayad Shirazi, director of Iran's Caspian Seal Conservation Center, told Shargh that pollution remains one of the most significant threats facing the species.

Because the Caspian Sea is shared by five countries and functions as a closed body of water, environmental damage in one area can affect the wider ecosystem, he said.

Russia halted commercial hunting of Caspian seals in 2020, eliminating one source of mortality that had previously resulted in thousands of deaths annually. Yet unexplained die-offs continue to undermine conservation efforts.

For conservationists, the fate of the seal increasingly mirrors the condition of the sea itself, making its survival a test of whether the region can protect one of its most distinctive ecosystems.

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Iran crude prices slashed as more shipments leave Hormuz – Bloomberg

Jun 22, 2026, 07:50 GMT+1
Iran crude prices slashed as more shipments leave Hormuz – Bloomberg
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Sellers of Iranian crude to China have cut prices after Iran began shipping millions of barrels out of Hormuz following an interim peace deal with the United States, Bloomberg reported on Monday.

Spot cargoes of Iranian Light crude for July arrival were being offered at discounts of $2.50 to $5 a barrel to Brent benchmark prices, the report said, citing people directly involved in the trade.

That compared with a discount of about $1 a barrel before the deal.

Iran has increased the amount of crude it openly sends through the Strait of Hormuz to the highest level since the war began, as regional shipping activity picked up while Tehran and Washington worked toward a lasting peace deal, Bloomberg said in a separate report.

Around six million barrels of Iranian crude were aboard three US-sanctioned supertankers - Elva, Virgo and Vigor - that entered the chokepoint early Monday, it said, citing ship-tracking data.

The vessels were signaling destinations in waters off Singapore, where Iranian crude is known to be transferred to ships that often deliver the oil to refineries in China, it added.

Israel reveals Iranian-designed Hezbollah ‘terror tunnel’ with large drone cache

Jun 21, 2026, 17:47 GMT+1
•
Benjamin Weinthal
Israel reveals Iranian-designed Hezbollah ‘terror tunnel’ with large drone cache
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Foreign journalists tour an underground tunnel in Majdal Zoun, southern Lebanon, during an Israeli military media embed.

The Israeli army revealed on Friday that it had discovered an Iranian-financed and -designed Hezbollah tunnel in the heart of Majdal Zoun in south Lebanon that can be used to launch drones into Israel.

The aerial projectiles can reach the densely populated cities of Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and Haifa, according to an Israeli military official.

The disclosure marks the second time this month that Israel has reported discovering an Iranian-built tunnel for the US-designated terrorist group Hezbollah in Lebanon, and could impact the high-level talks in Switzerland on Sunday between the US and Iranian governments. A central security concern for Israel and Arab Persian Gulf states is the eradication of Iran’s ballistic missile and drone warfare systems.

A weapon inside a Hezbollah tunnel in Majdal Zoun, southern Lebanon. The Israeli military said the underground complex contained more than 50 drones, launch shafts, explosives, and other military equipment.
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A weapon inside a Hezbollah tunnel in Majdal Zoun, southern Lebanon. The Israeli military said the underground complex contained more than 50 drones, launch shafts, explosives, and other military equipment.

Israel’s government is deeply worried about Iran securing billions of dollars in sanctions relief from the Trump administration that could be used to finance Hezbollah and its subterranean military outposts across southern Lebanon.

The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) permitted a small number of foreign journalists, including Iran International, to embed with its soldiers in south Lebanon to inspect the tunnel, which contains over 50 attack drones and a room packed with eight tons of mines and bombs.

An IDF spokeswoman said, “This is Iranian equipment and facilities and proof that Hezbollah is another proxy of Iran.” She added that it is “one of the biggest tunnels found in southern Lebanon. Rocket launchers and UAVs were found.”

Intense clashes unfolded between Hezbollah and Israel during the journalistic embed with the IDF. Israel’s military said five soldiers were killed, including the commander of the IDF’s 52 Battalion, Lt. Col. Dor Gadalia Ben Simhon. Israel’s second war with Lebanon since October 2023 began when Hezbollah fired missiles into Israel in response to the joint US-Israel attack on Iran on February 28.

According to the IDF, the tunnel was discovered less than 10 days ago, and the capture of Majdal Zoun resulted in the elimination of eight Hezbollah fighters.

The new tunnel—located a mere 20 meters from a mosque in the center of the town—contains four launch pads to fire the sophisticated attack drones into the Jewish state. “To build a tunnel with a launch site is an Iranian method,” a military spokesman noted. He added that “Hezbollah tunnels are good but not as good [as Iranian].”

The military spokesman said that the “Iranians have a very high ability to build underground. They built tunnels in Iran and in Yemen for the Houthis.”

In early June, the Persian-language spokesman for the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) said, “The Israeli military is revealing an asset from the underground tunnel network of the Hezbollah terrorist organization that was built with the design and financing of the Iranian terrorist regime in the Beaufort Heights.”

The IDF said that the new tunnel is “over 200 meters long and more than 25 meters deep, containing four launch shafts and 12 rooms, including living quarters and rooms used to store explosive devices, anti-tank missiles, and UAVs.”

An IDF spokesman said the tunnel contains “high-level infrastructure and it is Iranian standards.”

Majdal Zoun is located roughly seven kilometers from Israel’s border. The IDF escorted reporters on Humvees for the 35-minute drive to reach the town. According to an IDF military official, the Shiite town had a population of 2,000 and “Hezbollah has great support in the village.” Since cross-border fighting began in October 2023, Majdal Zoun has become a ghost town.

Hezbollah fighters returned to the town to re-open the tunnel after it was sealed by the IDF two years ago. The tunnel and its strategic location on high territory make it a valuable stronghold of Hezbollah’s military apparatus, according to the IDF official.

The IDF official said, “It took them [Hezbollah] ten years to build it [the tunnel].”

The IDF transport of journalists to Majdal Zoun passed the Lebanese coastal town of Naqoura—the location of UNIFIL’s headquarters. An IDF official blasted the UN operation UNIFIL for failing to disarm Hezbollah, as mandated by the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701.

An attack drone and related equipment inside a tunnel that the Israeli military says was designed and financed by Iran for Hezbollah in Majdal Zoun, southern Lebanon. Israeli officials said the underground facility was used to store and launch UAVs toward Israel.
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An attack drone and related equipment inside a tunnel that the Israeli military says was designed and financed by Iran for Hezbollah in Majdal Zoun, southern Lebanon. Israeli officials said the underground facility was used to store and launch UAVs toward Israel.

UNIFIL is an abbreviation for the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon.

The military official said that “UNIFIL is not helping at all. They are trying to hide their support for Hezbollah. UNIFIL tells Hezbollah about IDF vehicle routes.”

The IDF official said the army recently discovered a Lebanese worker for UNIFIL is also a Hezbollah terrorist. The military official also alleged that a Lebanese hotel serving Hezbollah printed identification badges for both Hezbollah and the UN.

When asked about the IDF allegations, a UNIFIL spokesman told Iran International that “I have no information,” adding that “Since today is a UNIFIL holiday, I can’t do the full check. Not everyone is working—only critical ones.”

Iran’s legal drug market is being hollowed out as shortages feed illicit channels

Jun 20, 2026, 12:43 GMT+1
Iran’s legal drug market is being hollowed out as shortages feed illicit channels
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Iran’s official medicine market is being hollowed out as policy instability, currency disruptions and shortages push more patients toward illegal sellers, counterfeit drugs and informal supply networks, industry figures and officials have warned.

The warnings point to a new phase in Iran’s long-running drug crisis. The problem is no longer only that medicines are expensive or hard to find. The formal supply chain itself is weakening, while the black market grows around patients who cannot obtain medicine through pharmacies.

Haleh Hamedifar, head of the Association of Medical Biotechnology Product Manufacturers, told the semi-official ISNA news agency that the main challenge facing Iran’s pharmaceutical industry is not simply a shortage of foreign currency, but “instability in decision-making and lack of coordination in implementation.”

“The pharmaceutical industry cannot be managed with daily decisions, changing circulars and unpredictable processes,” she said.

Hamedifar warned that sudden policy changes disrupt the supply of raw materials, production and distribution, with effects that appear months later “in pharmacies, hospitals and ultimately at the patient’s bedside.”

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Iran says it produces most of the medicines consumed in the country, but domestic production still depends on imported raw materials, equipment, packaging, machinery and spare parts. That leaves even locally made drugs exposed to banking restrictions, currency decisions and import delays.

Hamedifar said recent shifts in currency rules have forced some raw materials out of preferential currency categories and into exchange-rate systems that are not reliably funded. Alternative routes, including the use of export proceeds or privately held foreign currency, were introduced before the administrative infrastructure was ready, she said.

Companies have been forced to amend files, repeat import registrations and restart procedures they had already completed, she said.

“The problem in many cases is not the decision itself, but how it is implemented,” Hamedifar said.

She said outages and errors in government platforms, including disconnects between trade, drug-regulation and banking systems, should not be treated as technical glitches because each delay can postpone the arrival of raw materials and later disrupt drug supply.

Interior Ministry spokesman Ali Zeynivand separately acknowledged that high medicine prices are real and said the government does not deny that internal failures may be part of the problem.

“Part of the problems are caused by the imposed war, another part by the sanctions that already existed, and part may be due to our shortcomings or lack of precision,” he told the Dideban Iran news website. “We do not reject any of these.”

Zeynivand said President Masoud Pezeshkian, himself a physician, is personally sensitive to the issue and that the Health Ministry, Plan and Budget Organization and Central Bank are working on measures to contain the situation. But he cautioned that Iran’s economic problems would not be solved simply by signing a memorandum.

For patients, the consequences are already visible in higher out-of-pocket costs, incomplete prescriptions, empty pharmacy shelves and growing reliance on unofficial sellers.

Mehdi Sanei, an investigator at Iran’s medical crimes prosecutor’s office, told the Iranian daily Shargh that Iran has only one legal medicine market: the official network supervised by the Health Ministry and Food and Drug Administration. Any medicine sold outside that chain is illegal, he said.

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“In the field of medicine, there is no such thing as a legal free market,” Sanei said.

He said shortages are the starting point for much of the illegal trade. When patients cannot find medicine in pharmacies, they turn to dealers, Telegram channels, middlemen and informal networks.

“As long as medicine shortages exist, the smuggling market will exist,” he said.

Sanei warned that the illegal drug market is unusually profitable because patients cannot postpone treatment. Families dealing with cancer or chronic illness may sell savings, jewelry, cars or even homes to obtain scarce medicine.

“I do not know of a commodity whose profit is as guaranteed as smuggled medicine,” he said.

He said some black-market medicines are official Iranian-made drugs diverted from the legal system through fake prescriptions, distribution violations or other routes. But he described an even more dangerous trend: the growing presence of counterfeit or unauthorized medicines made inside Iran.

Sanei estimated that more than 80 percent of medicines in the illegal market are now unauthorized domestic products rather than genuine imported drugs.

Those products may be made in illegal workshops with unknown or ineffective materials and fake packaging, he said. Some may contain no active ingredient, contamination or harmful substances.

“People pay heavy costs, and there is no guarantee that what they receive is really medicine,” he said.

The result is a self-reinforcing cycle: shortages weaken the legal market, patients move toward illegal sellers, the black market becomes more profitable, and the official system loses more ground.

“The smaller the legal market becomes, the larger the illegal market becomes,” Sanei said.

Iran may get a lifeline, but major obstacles remain

Jun 20, 2026, 09:37 GMT+1
•
Dalga Khatinoglu
Iran may get a lifeline, but major obstacles remain
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Children and families enjoy the return of water to the Zayandeh Roud in Isfahan, where the river's revival drew crowds to its banks after years of recurring drought and shortages, June 16, 2026

The agreement between Tehran and Washington holds out the prospect of sanctions relief and potentially unprecedented foreign investment, but many of its economic promises remain uncertain and some may prove difficult to deliver even if negotiations succeed.

The relative strengthening of the Iranian rial suggests the agreement has already had a positive psychological impact.

The US dollar, which traded above 1.8 million rials during the recent conflict, has fallen to around 1.57 million. Even so, it remains roughly 18 percent higher than six months ago.

According to estimates by Kpler, Iran was exporting about 1.5 million barrels per day of crude oil and condensates before the recent conflict. Without sanctions, exports could eventually return to around 2.5 million barrels per day.

Iran would also no longer be forced to sell much of its crude to Chinese buyers at steep discounts.

Revenue boost

According to OPEC estimates, Iran earned $46.7 billion from exports of crude oil and petroleum products last year. If sanctions are lifted and oil prices remain relatively elevated, that figure could rise substantially.

A rapid recovery, however, should not be expected.

Iran's petrochemical and steel industries, which together generate roughly $17 billion in annual export revenue, have suffered extensive damage during the conflict.

As a result, Iran could temporarily become a net importer of some products it has traditionally exported.

Persian Gulf Holding, which accounts for 38 percent of Iran's petrochemical production, recently reported that output at six heavily damaged complexes fell to just 13 percent of levels recorded during the same period last year. Overall production across the holding's petrochemical subsidiaries declined by 75 percent.

According to Iran's Central Bank, oil, gas, steel and petrochemicals account for 73 percent of the country's total exports, underscoring the importance of rebuilding damaged industrial capacity.

Release of frozen assets

Iran is estimated to hold approximately $24 billion in frozen assets abroad, about half of which could be released within two months.

The Wall Street Journal reported on June 19 that, contingent upon what it described as appropriate Iranian behavior and the transfer of enriched uranium, Tehran could gain access to $6 billion in frozen funds currently held in Qatari banks for the purchase of humanitarian and agricultural goods from the United States.

The arrangement could benefit both countries. Iran imports approximately $17 billion worth of grain annually, while the United States remains the world's largest grain exporter.

Trade between the two countries has collapsed since the 1979 revolution. According to official US statistics, bilateral trade totaled $6.6 billion in 1978 but amounted to only $60 million last year, almost entirely consisting of US exports to Iran.

The reconstruction fund

One of the most ambitious — and least defined — elements of the agreement is a proposed $300 billion reconstruction fund involving foreign companies, including firms from Arab states, to support Iran's reconstruction.

Unlike historical reconstruction programs financed by governments, the proposed fund is expected to rely largely on private investment. That raises significant questions about how such a large sum could be mobilized and whether foreign companies would be willing to commit substantial capital to Iran after years of sanctions, regional tensions and political uncertainty.

Beyond political considerations, investors would also have to weigh sanctions risks, regulatory uncertainty and the long-term stability of the investment environment before committing significant capital.

Given Tehran's strained relations with many Arab states in recent years, enthusiasm among regional investors may remain limited, although countries such as Qatar and Oman could encourage some level of participation.

For now, the creation of a fund on the scale envisioned by the agreement appears unlikely in the medium term. More modest investment flows may be possible if Tehran complies with future commitments and continues improving ties with its neighbors.

The need for investment is undeniable. Iran's oil and gas sector alone is estimated to require at least $300 billion in capital to modernize infrastructure and expand production after decades of underinvestment.

Ultimately, the economic benefits outlined in the agreement depend not only on sanctions relief but also on Tehran's ability to reassure investors, rebuild damaged industries and maintain stable relations with regional and international partners.

For now, the agreement has boosted expectations. Whether it can deliver a lasting economic recovery remains an open question.

A US-Iran deal alone won't rescue Iran's oil economy

Jun 19, 2026, 20:13 GMT+1
•
Mehdi Moslehi
A US-Iran deal alone won't rescue Iran's oil economy
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A drilling rig operated by Iran’s Exploration Operations Company is seen at an energy site in Iran.

The memorandum of understanding signed on Thursday has prompted fresh hopes of an economic revival in Iran. But even a successful US-Iran agreement may do far less for the country's oil industry than many supporters expect.

Tehran’s challenge is no longer simply one of sanctions. Iran's oil and gas sector faces a combination of structural, technical, financial and geopolitical obstacles that cannot be quickly resolved, even if the agreement ultimately leads to a broader settlement with the United States.

The reality is that Iran's energy sector is no longer constrained primarily by its ability to sell oil. Its greater challenges lie in sustaining production, attracting investment, accessing advanced technology and reconnecting to the global financial system.

Aging infrastructure, declining capacity

Much of Iran's oil and gas infrastructure has reached the latter half of its operational life. Years of underinvestment, limited access to modern technology and the departure of major international energy companies have left many fields grappling with increasingly complex technical problems.

The challenge extends far beyond the natural decline of mature fields. Veteran figures within Iran's energy industry have repeatedly warned about reservoir degradation, declining pressure, scaling, well damage and the growing difficulty of maintaining stable production.

Former oil executives and industry specialists say a significant share of the sector's efforts is now devoted to managing technical problems that require equipment and expertise not readily available inside the country.

Nowhere is this more evident than in South Pars, the giant gas field that underpins Iran's energy security. Natural pressure decline began years ago, and reversing it will require tens of billions of dollars in investment, advanced offshore infrastructure and the participation of companies that are predominantly based in the West.

Even if political barriers disappeared tomorrow, the planning, engineering and construction required for such projects would take years—time an economy struggling with inflation, budget deficits and capital shortages can ill afford.

World not waiting for Iranian Oil

Many discussions about Iran's future still view today's energy market through the lens of a decade ago.

Before sanctions tightened, a significant portion of the global market relied on Iranian crude. The world of 2026 looks very different.

The United States has become one of the world's largest energy producers and exporters. Canada, Brazil and Guyana have expanded output dramatically.

Qatar and the United States have transformed the global LNG market, while major consumers have spent years diversifying supply chains and reducing dependence on any single producer.

Many customers that found alternative suppliers during years of sanctions are unlikely to return simply because restrictions are eased. Re-entering global markets requires not only competitive pricing but confidence in Iran's long-term reliability as a supplier.

The banking problem

Even if Washington permits the return of major energy companies to Iran, another obstacle remains: the international financial system.

The experience of the 2015 nuclear deal demonstrated that political agreements do not automatically translate into investment flows. Despite official support from Western governments, many major banks remained unwilling to accept the risks associated with doing business in Iran.

Crucially, the Islamic Republic is currently on the FATF blacklist, and the process of exiting this list entails a time-consuming verification period. Iran's failure to meet FATF standards, concerns over financial transparency, money-laundering risks and the extensive role of military-linked institutions in the economy continue to discourage foreign investors.

For many global financial institutions, both credit risk and reputational risk associated with Iran remain exceptionally high.

Russia is not a substitute

In the absence of Western companies, Tehran has repeatedly looked to Russia as an alternative partner.

Yet the experience of the past two decades suggests Moscow has shown limited interest in helping Iran re-emerge as a major competitor in global energy markets.

Even Russian firms with significant technical capabilities have, at various points, slowed, suspended or withdrawn from Iranian projects.

Russia's interests do not necessarily align with a full-scale revival of Iran's energy sector.

As a major energy exporter itself, Moscow has strong incentives to preserve its own position in global markets rather than facilitate the rise of another competitor.

Regional stability

There is another actor in this equation that often receives less attention than it deserves: the Persian Gulf states.

Iran’s Arab neighbors are undertaking some of the largest investment programs in their history. Infrastructure, artificial intelligence, logistics, technology and tourism have become central pillars of their economic strategies.

From their perspective, the overriding concern is not ideology but stability.

Rising geopolitical tensions have already increased insurance costs, raised financing expenses and complicated long-term investment planning across the region.

As a result, many in the region have concluded that even a successful Tehran-Washington agreement may not, by itself, provide the level of certainty required for the massive investments envisioned under their long-term development plans.

Taken all that together, one can argue that Iran’s oil economy faces far more than a sanctions problem.

Even if the newly signed memorandum evolves into a broader deal, rebuilding Iran's lost energy capacity will require years of work, tens of billions of dollars in investment and the restoration of confidence among international investors and financial institutions.

The agreement signed this week may ease some short-term pressures and improve economic sentiment. But on its own, it is unlikely to reverse the long-term erosion confronting Iran's oil and gas sector.