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Iran eco-tourism operators warn of closures as travel dries up

Jun 9, 2026, 11:35 GMT+1
A guest room at a traditional Iranian eco-lodge
A guest room at a traditional Iranian eco-lodge

Tourism businesses report empty rooms, mounting losses and growing pressure to cut jobs as rising living costs push travel out of reach for many households.

Tourism businesses in Iran are struggling to survive as economic hardship and a sharp decline in travel leave eco-lodges empty, operators facing bankruptcy and workers at risk of losing their jobs, according to a report by Shargh newspaper.

Once promoted as a way to boost local economies and preserve traditional lifestyles, eco-lodges across Iran are now grappling with falling visitor numbers, rising costs and mounting financial pressure.

"The damage caused by the war will take months to repair, and tourism will need a long time to return to previous levels," Yavar Abiri, head of Iran's Association of Eco-Lodge Professional Societies, told Shargh.

Abiri said many Iranians have shifted their priorities from travel to basic survival as economic uncertainty deepens.

"People are saving whatever money they have for essential needs in case another war breaks out," he said.

Travel slips down household priorities

Tourism operators say domestic travel had already been weakening before the latest economic shocks.

Official statistics cited by Shargh showed that nearly half of Iranian households did not take a single trip during the spring of 2024. Industry representatives say rising prices have forced many families to either cancel travel altogether or cut costs by camping, avoiding restaurants and reducing leisure spending.

Officials have also questioned whether travel remains a priority for many households.

Traditional Iranian rice dishes served at an eco-lodge restaurant
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Traditional Iranian rice dishes served at an eco-lodge restaurant

Hani Rastegaran, secretary of the National Travel Services Coordination Headquarters, previously described declining domestic travel as a warning sign for the tourism sector and called for an assessment of whether economic pressure had pushed travel out of family budgets.

Eco-lodges face closures

Mahlagha Mahdavi, who operates an eco-lodge in Shiraz and has worked in the sector for a decade, said the downturn has intensified over the past year.

"We faced a sharp drop in visitors and had to offer significant discounts because people simply could not afford to travel," Mahdavi told Shargh.

She said many eco-lodge employees are women and heads of households, prompting operators to avoid layoffs despite worsening finances.

"We do not know how long we can continue without reducing staff," she said.

Many former tourism operators, according to Mahdavi, have already left the industry, while the profile of travelers has changed. Visitors who once belonged largely to the middle class have been replaced by wealthier Iranians who can no longer justify foreign trips but continue to travel domestically.

Revenue collapses, costs soar

Operators in other provinces described similar challenges. Abas'ad Sharafkhani, who runs an eco-lodge in Hamedan province, said revenue between January and April amounted to only a fraction of what he had expected.

"Out of the income I had projected, I earned only about 10 percent, and even that barely covered operating costs," he told Shargh.

Sharafkhani said many eco-lodges are nearing complete bankruptcy and that some properties sustained physical damage during the conflict.

He criticized authorities for failing to provide meaningful support or compensation.

Rising prices force cutbacks

Ahmad Kazemi, an eco-lodge operator in Khorasan Razavi province, said inflation has transformed the economics of the business.

"When we started in 2019, a sack of high-quality Iranian rice cost three million rials ($1.8). Now it costs 64 million rials (about $36)," Kazemi told Shargh.

He said accommodation packages that once cost 4000,000 rials ($2.2) now cost between forty and fifty million rials ($22-28), even after operators reduce their profit margins.

To cope with rising expenses, Kazemi said his lodge has removed lunch and dinner services and now offers only accommodation and breakfast.

A traditional courtyard at an eco-lodge in central Iran
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A traditional courtyard at an eco-lodge in central Iran

"People are not traveling for leisure the way they used to," he said. "Many now choose short local trips because they are cheaper."

Iran's minimum monthly wage is currently equivalent to about $90–$110, depending on exchange-rate movements, while labor experts estimate that many workers earn around $150 per month on average.

Industry operators told Shargh that without financial support and an improvement in household purchasing power, many of Iran's eco-lodges may be unable to continue operating, threatening jobs and a sector that was once viewed as a growing part of the country's tourism economy.

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Iranian teens say rising costs turn simple wishes into distant dreams

Jun 9, 2026, 09:37 GMT+1
•
Baharan Azadi
Iranian teens say rising costs turn simple wishes into distant dreams
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Iranian youth use their mobile phones as they walk at a park in Tehran

Simple pleasures, personal goals and everyday purchases have become out of reach for many Iranian teenagers, who told Iran International that economic hardship is reshaping their lives and dimming their hopes for the future.

Messages sent by teenagers described a growing gap between what they need and what their families can afford, with some saying even routine activities and modest purchases now feel unattainable.

One teenager said upgrading a computer has become unrealistic after the price of an 8GB DDR5 memory module rose to around 500 million rials (over $280).

Iran's minimum monthly wage is currently worth around $90-$110, depending on exchange-rate fluctuations, while estimates from labor experts put average monthly earnings for many workers at roughly $150.

"With these conditions, buying or upgrading a computer has become a dream," the teenager said.

  • Citizens report growing use of children in Iran security activities

    Citizens report growing use of children in Iran security activities

Another wrote that a mobile phone purchased for 500 million rials (over $280) in February is now worth 930 million rials (over $520).

Others pointed to the disappearance of simple recreational activities from their lives. A 15-year-old said swimming pool fees have more than doubled since early April, while another said that a bicycle that once cost 300 million rials (around $170) now sells for 620 million rials (about $350).

"We Iranian teenagers and young people have reached a point where eating one good meal makes us happy, while our peers in other countries have many things to enjoy," one message said.

Embarrassed to ask

Several teenagers said financial pressure has not only reduced their expectations but also left them feeling ashamed to express their needs.

They described watching their parents struggle with rising living costs and choosing to remain silent about things they want or need.

An 11-year-old girl said her birthday falls in September but she is embarrassed to ask her father to organize a celebration.

She questioned why having a birthday party should be considered a wish rather than a normal part of childhood.

A group of teenagers sit on a bench with skateboards, looking at their phones and talking outside a building.
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A group of teenagers sit on a bench with skateboards, looking at their phones and talking outside a building.

A 14-year-old wrote: "Whenever I ask my parents for something, they say they don't have the money. I feel ashamed when I sit at the dinner table."

Another 15-year-old said gym membership fees had tripled.

"I feel guilty asking for things I need because I know dealing with these prices is not easy for my parents," the teenager wrote.

Some others said they increasingly feel like a burden on their families. One wrote that their parents regularly give up their own wishes to provide for their children, while another said the feeling of being an extra weight on the family has become constant.

A 14-year-old girl said she feels guilty whenever her parents buy something for her and has become pessimistic about her future.

Adult worries replace childhood concerns

Some said their attention has shifted from hobbies, friendships and future plans to concerns about war, economic conditions and daily news.

"Whenever I think about war and ceasefires, I cry," one teenager wrote. "Why can't I enjoy life like other teenagers or go to school wearing what I want?"

A 12-year-old asked why children should be preoccupied with current events instead of enjoying their free time.

Several said the issues occupying their minds resemble adult concerns rather than those usually associated with adolescence.

"I should be thinking about having fun and playing, not working or worrying about politics and the price of gold and dollars," one teenager wrote.

Comparisons with teenagers abroad appeared frequently in the messages.

A 16-year-old girl said she works instead of pursuing leisure activities and is often too exhausted to remain on her feet.

A university entrance exam candidate wrote that seeing graduation celebrations in other countries leaves the strongest sense of longing.

Growing uncertainty about the future

Several teenagers said they struggle to imagine a future for themselves at a stage in life when they should be exploring talents, setting goals and pursuing ambitions.

An 18-year-old said the country's conditions have left little motivation even for ordinary daily life, let alone planning for the future.

Another wrote that, despite being only 18, they are already watching their hopes and ambitions fade.

  •  Tehran’s youth emerge from war more cynical, not more hopeful

    Tehran’s youth emerge from war more cynical, not more hopeful

A 15-year-old said economic pressure, exhaustion and disappointment have become part of everyday life and make long-held aspirations feel impossible to achieve.

Some said uncertainty is even shaping major life decisions.

A ninth-grade student wrote that although they would like to choose an academic path based on personal interests, the future feels so unpredictable that passion has become a luxury.

Instead of focusing on dreams, the student said thoughts are dominated by rising prices, war and the memory of those who have died, creating a sense of being trapped with no clear path forward.

Iran judge says asset seizures will weaken diaspora’s anti-regime protests

Jun 9, 2026, 06:47 GMT+1
Iran judge says asset seizures will weaken diaspora’s anti-regime protests
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Iranian expatriates rally against the Islamic Republic and in support of exiled Prince Reza Pahlavi on the National Mall, in Washington, DC, on March 29, 2026.

Confiscations of assets belonging to exiled Iranians will weaken their protests in front of the Islamic Republic’s embassies overseas, a judge said on Tuesday.

“When an expatriate sees that a home, shop or any other asset they owned in Tehran, Isfahan or any other Iranian city has been seized, anti-Iran gatherings outside embassies of European and American countries clearly become emptier, weaker and more hopeless,” said the head of Isfahan province’s judiciary, according to judiciary-linked Mizan News.

Asadollah Jafari described the seizures as a judicial tool to counter what he called “the enemy’s economic and media war.”

Iranian judicial authorities have been ordering the seizure of assets belonging to dozens of people, many living abroad, over allegations of cooperation with Israel and actions against national security.

Since the January protests, Iranians abroad have held regular demonstrations outside Iran’s embassies and consulates in Europe, North America and elsewhere, in support of protesters inside Iran and against the Islamic Republic’s crackdown.

Jafari said the confiscation of assets belonging to expatriates are aimed at having a “deterrent effect.”

'Nothing is over': Iran-Israel conflict enters a new phase

Jun 8, 2026, 21:33 GMT+1
•
Negar Mojtahedi
'Nothing is over':  Iran-Israel conflict enters a new phase
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This photograph captures two armed soldiers standing in front of a large Lebanese flag during a public event. The scene appears to be part of a security operation or demonstration, with the soldiers positioned in front of a crowd.

Iran and Israel have paused direct attacks, but Tehran's latest warning suggests the conflict may be evolving rather than ending.

On Monday, Iran said it would suspend operations against Israel but warned attacks would resume if Israel continued striking Lebanon.

Israel rejected the condition, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accusing Tehran and Hezbollah of trying to create a new equation in which attacks on Israel would no longer carry consequences.

The development has fueled debate over whether the latest ceasefire represents the end of the fighting—or merely the end of its first phase.

A ceasefire tied to Lebanon

For UAE-based analyst Amjad Taha, the answer is straightforward.

"It's a pause rather than a ceasefire or an end of war," he told Iran International.

Taha argues that Tehran's decision to link its ceasefire to Lebanon reveals that the Islamic Republic continues to view regional conflicts through the lens of its proxy network.

"The fact that the Islamic regime right now says it's fighting and its condition in Lebanon ceasefire with its own, it tells us that Iran's, the Islamic Regime still sees Lebanon and other countries as its own proxy and its own extension," he said.

In his view, the current calm risks postponing rather than resolving the underlying conflict.

"If the ceasefire happens right now, we are just postponing another 7th of October-style event, but this time across the Middle East, not just the state of Israel."

Elizabeth Tsurkov, a fellow at the New Lines Institute, sees Iran's Lebanon condition as part of a broader effort to shape the post-war landscape.

"It appears clear that the Iranian regime believes that it won the 40-day war and is therefore trying to establish new rules of the game to project its power and deter Israeli action in Lebanon as well," she said.

Tsurkov also rejected suggestions that apparent tensions between Washington and Jerusalem amount to a coordinated strategy.

"I don't think that this is a matter of bad cop, good cop," she said. "Trump genuinely wants a deal."

Her assessment points to a broader reality emerging from the latest crisis: Lebanon is no longer a separate arena. It has become intertwined with negotiations over Iran, regional deterrence and the future of the ceasefire itself.

A new equation?

The debate over Iran's intentions has exposed sharply different interpretations of the latest escalation. While some see Tehran acting from a position of weakness, others argue it has successfully shaped events since the ceasefire.

Avi Melamed, a former Israeli intelligence official, believes Iran has managed to place itself at the center of multiple interconnected disputes.

"The Iranian regime, as of now, has been quite clearly able to dictate the pace," he said.

Melamed argued that Tehran is attempting to connect "the story of the Hormuz Strait, Iran, the nuclear program and the situation in Lebanon," creating additional pressure points for both Washington and Jerusalem.

As the dispute over Lebanon intensified, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi shared an image on X showing the Iranian and Lebanese flags intertwined, reflecting Tehran's position that the two fronts are inseparable.

Still, Melamed cautioned against drawing firm conclusions.

"I think we are at a phase where you could say that, at the same time, the Iranian regime could mark some significant achievements as far as the Iranian regime is concerned," he said, describing the current situation as an "ongoing ping pong game."

Others reject the notion that Iran is acting from a position of confidence.

John Craig, a former US ambassador and senior fellow at the Transatlantic Leadership Network, sees the latest missile attack as an attempt to undermine diplomacy rather than demonstrate strength.

"Iran is desperate to slow/stop any negotiations," Craig said.

He remains skeptical that the current pause will hold.

"Nothing is over," he said. "The IRGC does not want any agreement. Ever."

For military analyst Andrew Fox, the future of the ceasefire may depend less on Tehran and Jerusalem than on developments in Lebanon.

"I think it very much depends on what happens in Lebanon," Fox said.

While describing Israel's latest response as limited compared with the broader war phase, Fox said the underlying conflict remains unresolved.

"It clearly wasn't a full-scale return to combat operations. It was nothing like the scale or intensity of what we saw during the war phase. But it did send a message."

And despite the current lull, he does not believe hostilities have truly ended.

"I don't think it is an end to hostilities," Fox said. "I don't think it is an end to attempts to overthrow the Iranian regime, but I think it will draw a line under this phase."

That may be the clearest point of agreement among analysts. Whether they view Iran as emboldened, opportunistic or desperate, few believe the latest ceasefire has settled the larger struggle.

Trump continues to pursue negotiations with Tehran. Netanyahu has vowed Israel will respond forcefully to future attacks. And Iran has made clear that its restraint is conditional on events beyond its borders.

The missiles may have stopped flying between Iran and Israel. But by tying its ceasefire to Lebanon, Tehran has ensured that the next test of the truce may come not in Tehran or Tel Aviv, but on Israel's northern border.

What Israel hit at Iran's Karoon Petrochemical and why it matters

Jun 8, 2026, 11:50 GMT+1
What Israel hit at Iran's Karoon Petrochemical and why it matters
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A view of the Karun petrochemical plant in southern Iran at night

A strike on the Karoon Petrochemical complex in southwestern Iran on Monday put the spotlight on a key industrial facility with roles in both civilian production and sectors tied by Israel and Western governments to Iran's military capabilities.

Officials in Khuzestan province said the facility was hit during Israeli attacks, with reports indicating damage to chlorine-related units and storage facilities. Any prolonged disruption could affect both domestic supply chains and exports from one of Iran's most important petrochemical hubs.

Karoon is located in Mahshahr, home to a concentration of petrochemical facilities that form a major pillar of Iran's non-oil economy.

Links to the IRGC

Karoon is owned by Persian Gulf Petrochemical Industries Company (PGPIC), Iran's largest petrochemical holding group.

The United States sanctioned PGPIC and dozens of affiliated companies in 2019, saying the group generated billions of dollars that helped finance the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps and its construction arm, Khatam al-Anbiya.

According to the US Treasury, PGPIC subsidiaries worked with Khatam al-Anbiya through engineering, construction and financing contracts worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Washington said revenue from the petrochemical sector provided an important source of funding for the IRGC's military activities.

The Guards have long maintained a significant presence in Iran's energy and industrial sectors through a network of companies, contractors and affiliated organizations that oversee major infrastructure projects and benefit from export revenues.

Role in missile-related industries

Petrochemical facilities are primarily civilian enterprises, but some of their products can have military applications.

Chemical compounds produced in Mahshahr and other petrochemical centers such as Assaluyeh can be used as precursor materials in the production of propellants and other components associated with missile programs.

During previous operations targeting industrial facilities in the Mahshahr area, Israel said sites in the region were involved in producing materials used by Iran's missile program.

Israeli military officials said on Monday that one of their objectives was to destroy infrastructure used to manufacture raw materials essential for ballistic missile production.

The dual-use nature of petrochemical production means facilities can simultaneously support civilian industries while supplying materials that may have military applications.

Critical supplier for domestic industry

Despite scrutiny over military links, Karoon remains one of the most important suppliers to Iran's civilian manufacturing sector.

The company is the region's only producer of isocyanates, advanced chemical compounds used in the production of polyurethane materials.

These products serve as the foundation for a wide range of industrial and consumer goods, including insulation, adhesives, coatings, automotive components, footwear, furniture and household appliances.

Karoon receives feedstock such as benzene and toluene from neighboring petrochemical plants and combines them with chlorine, carbon monoxide and hydrogen to produce isocyanates and related products.

The facility's strategic importance increased after the implementation of the HYCO (Hydrogen and Carbon Monoxide) project, which enabled domestic production of carbon monoxide and hydrogen and reduced dependence on imported supplies.

Impact on supply chains and exports

Industry experts say damage to chlorine production units could have consequences beyond the immediate facility.

Chlorine is essential for the production of phosgene, a key intermediate chemical used in manufacturing isocyanates. Any interruption to chlorine supplies can halt downstream production, affecting multiple industries dependent on polyurethane products.

  • Strikes on petrochemical hubs leave Iran short of plastics

    Strikes on petrochemical hubs leave Iran short of plastics

The effects could extend throughout the Mahshahr industrial zone, disrupting manufacturers that rely on Karoon's output.

Karoon also serves export markets. The company ships products including aniline to India and sells other chemical products to customers in Turkey, Russia and neighboring countries.

Those exports have helped Iran maintain a regional presence in specialty chemical markets while generating valuable foreign currency earnings.

A strategic target

The strike illustrates how Iran's petrochemical sector occupies a position at the intersection of economic and security concerns.

For Tehran, facilities such as Karoon support industrial self-sufficiency, exports and employment. For Israel and Western governments, parts of the sector are viewed as supporting broader military and missile-related capabilities through financial links to the IRGC and the production of dual-use materials.

As a result, major petrochemical complexes have become increasingly significant targets in a confrontation that extends well beyond the battlefield and into the infrastructure underpinning Iran's economy and defense industries.

From banks to blockchains: US opens new front in Iran sanctions

Jun 7, 2026, 19:48 GMT+1
•
Umud Shokri
From banks to blockchains: US opens new front in Iran sanctions
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Representations of cryptocurrency Binance are seen in front of displayed Nobitex logo in this illustration taken November 3, 2022.

The Trump administration's sanctions on Iran's largest cryptocurrency exchange mark an escalation in Washington's effort to disrupt the financial infrastructure Tehran uses to operate outside the formal banking system.

The US Treasury designated Nobitex alongside Wallex, Bitpin and Ramzinex and sanctioned senior figures connected to Nobitex, including chairman, co-founder and former chief executive Amir Hossein Rad.

According to the Treasury, Nobitex processed more than half of all Iranian digital asset inflows in 2025. Washington also accused it of facilitating transactions linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), sanctions evasion, ransomware activity and the Central Bank of Iran's access to hundreds of millions of dollars in stablecoins.

The sanctions therefore struck at part of the infrastructure that has allowed Iranian individuals, companies and state-linked actors to access international digital asset markets despite years of financial restrictions.

Crypto vs sanctions

Iran's interest in cryptocurrency is not difficult to explain. Sanctions have sharply limited access to international banking networks, dollar transactions, trade finance and oil revenues. Digital assets do not eliminate these constraints but can provide alternative channels for moving value across borders.

Cryptocurrencies and stablecoins can help facilitate transactions, preserve value and maintain access to foreign markets. Stablecoins are particularly attractive because they reduce exposure to price volatility while still operating outside traditional correspondent banking networks.

Crypto mining has also become part of Iran's sanctions-evasion toolkit. By using subsidized electricity to mine Bitcoin, Iran can effectively convert domestic energy resources into a globally transferable digital asset.

The strategy comes with costs. Mining places additional strain on Iran's electricity grid and has been linked to power shortages and public frustration. Yet for a sanctioned economy, the logic remains compelling: when access to conventional finance is restricted, any mechanism capable of transforming local resources into internationally usable value becomes strategically important.

Hormuz and crypto

Cryptocurrency has also emerged in discussions surrounding the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world's most important energy chokepoints.

Chainalysis reported recently that Iran intended to demand cryptocurrency payments from oil tankers seeking safe passage through the strait during periods of heightened tension. Whether such plans were fully implemented is less important than what they reveal about the potential role of digital assets in future geopolitical confrontations.

For Tehran, cryptocurrency offers several advantages in such scenarios. Payments can move rapidly across borders, avoid some traditional banking restrictions and reduce exposure to frozen accounts or conventional financial controls.

The prospect of crypto-based payments linked to maritime security demonstrates how digital assets could potentially be used not only to move money quietly but also to generate revenue during periods of geopolitical crisis.

The US Treasury has warned of sanctions risks associated with Iranian demands for transit-related payments through the Strait of Hormuz, including payments made through digital assets, fiat currency, offsets, swaps or other arrangements.

Blockchain evasion limits

Despite its advantages, cryptocurrency is not a magic shield against sanctions.

Blockchain transactions often leave traces that can be analyzed by firms such as Chainalysis and Elliptic or by government financial-intelligence agencies.

Once the United States designates a platform such as Nobitex, international exchanges, liquidity providers and counterparties face increased risks if they continue interacting with Iranian-linked wallets. This pushes activity toward smaller, less liquid and often riskier channels.

The sanctions also highlight another vulnerability. Treasury officials noted that Nobitex suffered a major hack in June 2025, underscoring the risks associated with relying on digital financial infrastructure.

Another area of interest is the role of the IRGC, which under Iran's previous budget law was tasked with exporting roughly 700,000 barrels of crude oil per day—about half of the country's exports at the time. The organization is also one of Iran's largest infrastructure contractors.

While available data do not reveal where imported services originated or who ultimately benefited from them, the overlap illustrates the growing importance of non-traditional financial channels within Iran's sanctioned economy.

Iran is likely to adapt. Activity may shift toward peer-to-peer trading, decentralized platforms, foreign intermediaries, stablecoin networks or new domestic exchanges. Yet each alternative carries costs, whether through reduced liquidity, greater compliance risks or increased exposure to future sanctions.

For Washington, the challenge is sustained enforcement. Sanctioning Nobitex will matter most if it is accompanied by international cooperation, improved blockchain intelligence, pressure on foreign exchanges and clear guidance for shipping firms, insurers and commodity traders.

The United States does not need to stop every Iranian crypto transaction to have an effect. It only needs to make the system more expensive, more traceable, riskier and less attractive for counterparties.

The Nobitex case illustrates how financial warfare has moved from banks to blockchains. Digital assets have given Tehran greater flexibility under sanctions, but they have also created new vulnerabilities.

The more Iran relies on crypto infrastructure, the more that infrastructure becomes part of the sanctions battlefield.