Iran International
A former senior Iranian security official has criticized state television for amplifying hardline rhetoric that he warned could deepen social divisions at a sensitive moment for the country.
Mahmoud Mirlohi, a former deputy interior minister, said Iran’s state broadcaster has failed to reflect the diversity of Iranian society, instead operating as though the entire country shares the views of radical ultraconservative factions.
His remarks come as speculation intensifies over possible leadership changes at the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), whose chief, Payman Jebelli, is nearing the end of his five-year term.
Iranian media in recent weeks have floated several possible successors, including former IRIB deputy Ali Darabi and former state TV chief Ezatollah Zarghami—figures who, despite their roots in the system, are now often seen as more pragmatic and more responsive to public opinion.
The debate comes as signs of diplomatic progress between Tehran and Washington have fueled cautious optimism about a possible de-escalation after weeks of conflict. But mistrust between the two sides remains deep, and hardliners in both countries continue pushing rhetoric that risks undermining negotiations.
IRIB, which holds a monopoly over terrestrial radio and television and still exerts broad influence across Iran’s media landscape, has long faced accusations of functioning as a platform for the ultraconservative Paydari Party.
Under Jebelli, much of the broadcaster’s programming has been shaped by his deputy Vahid Jalili, brother of hardline politician Saeed Jalili. Both are associated with Paydari’s ideological camp.
Over the past week, IRIB has prominently featured commentators advocating confrontation both at home and abroad.
Some warned Iranians against protesting rising prices, while one guest called for the execution of former president Hassan Rouhani and former foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif.
Others attacked Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator and parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, exposing widening fractures even within conservative circles.
Several hardline figures also escalated rhetoric against the United Arab Emirates.
Paydari-aligned lawmakers Ali Khezrian and Alaeddin Boroujerdi called for the UAE’s destruction, with Khezrian threatening to “force the Emirates back to the age of camel riding.”
Mirlohi warned that such rhetoric undermines national cohesion at a time when authorities are attempting to project wartime unity.
Even Iranians attending nightly pro-government gatherings, he argued, do not necessarily share the ideological views promoted by state television.
He warned that treating those gatherings as proof of broad support for hardline ideology risked further alienating the public.
The criticism has not been limited to establishment insiders.
Reformist commentator Abbas Abdi wrote in Etemad Online that constant propaganda about Iran’s “victory” in the war rang hollow amid worsening economic conditions, arguing that genuine success would require stabilizing the country’s economy rather than relying on slogans.
Commentator Nasrin Zamiri wrote on the Asr Iran website that state television has failed to properly inform the public about the country’s real conditions and challenges.
She noted that no traditional or social media platform in Iran rivals IRIB’s reach, particularly in smaller towns and rural areas, making its editorial choices especially consequential.
The criticism reflects growing concern among even some establishment figures that IRIB’s increasingly ideological tone may alienate parts of the public at a moment when the state is trying to project national unity.
Tehran’s unveiling of a towering statue depicting the Roman Emperor Valerian kneeling before pre-Islamic Persian King Shapur I has renewed criticism of the Islamic Republic’s appeal to nationalist sentiment following the June war with Israel.
For over forty years, the theocracy purged ancient Persian history from schoolbooks, replacing it with post-Islamic narratives. But after the 12-day conflict with Israel, officials have turned to the distant pre-Islamic past to rally a divided society.
From murals of ancient kings and soldiers to patriotic songs added to Shi’ite mourning ceremonies performed before Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, Tehran now embraces imagery once deemed heretical by its own revolutionary ethos.
'Kneel before Iran' campaign
Tehran’s Revolution (Enghelab) Square was the scene of an unusual spectacle on Friday as officials unveiled a massive bronze statue depicting Roman Emperor Valerian kneeling in submission before Sassanid King Shapur I, commemorating Iran’s victory at the Battle of Edessa (260 AD).
The event was held under the slogan “Kneel before Iran,” part of what authorities describe as a campaign to project “national unity and historical pride” following the June war with Israel.
Tehran Mayor Alireza Zakani, a staunch ultraconservative, said on X: “Enmity with Great Iran can only end in kneeling before this historic nation.”
Municipal official Davood Goodarzi said the installation would be accompanied by visual displays depicting “other victories of Iranians over foreign aggressors,” including the defeat of British forces by local commander Rais-Ali Delvari, Mirza Kuchak Khan’s resistance against Russian troops, and Surena’s triumph over Rome at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BCE.
The goal, Goodarzi said, is “strengthening concepts such as national dignity, social unity, and Iranian identity.”
The statue, he said, would remain temporarily at Revolution Square before being moved to a city gateway “where it will stand as the first emblem of Iran before diplomats and foreign visitors.”
Unveiled women were allowed to attend the unveiling ceremony—an uncommon scene at events organized by Tehran’s ultra-hardline municipality.
The turn to the pre-Islamic past
The sharp reversal also recalls remarks once made by Khamenei. In a 2011 speech, he asserted that “all the great military victories of this nation came after Islam,” dismissing pre-Islamic accounts as “things that are not documented.”
In 1987, he had said that prophets triumphed over kings such as Cyrus and that “nothing remains of these monarchs in history but names remembered with derision.”
Nevertheless, pro-government social media accounts have now gone so far as to circulate posters equating Khamenei himself with Shapur, showing him standing with a staff as Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump kneel before him. The caption reads: “You will kneel before Iran.”
'Hypocrisy'
Pro-government figures have hailed the move as a patriotic success. Conservative political reporter Hossein Saremi posted: “Today’s grand Iranian gathering showed that people and the state share one essence: Iran itself. Nothing can take our homeland away.”
Others, however, called the spectacle “hypocrisy.” Journalist Gholamhossein Pashaei wrote on X: “Every year you close Pasargadae to stop people from celebrating Cyrus Day, yet you unveil Shapur’s statue in Enghelab Square with drums and fireworks during Fatimiyya (mourning period)!”
Dissident commentator Hamid Asafi called the ceremony “a perfect snapshot of the Islamic Republic’s contradictions.”
On Telegram he wrote: “A week ago they closed Cyrus’s tomb out of fear of the crowds, and now they glorify Shapur in the same breath. The Islamic Republic fears living history but poses for selfies with its corpse.”
He added: “They know people no longer respond to rosaries and sermons. That’s why they’ve brought history back to the stage—in a controlled costume. If they can’t erase the past, they’ll try to own it.”
The irony deepened as UNESCO formally recognized Cyrus’s Charter as one of the earliest human-rights documents.
President Masoud Pezeshkian wrote on X: “Iran, the cradle of dialogue, justice, and coexistence, can still inspire peace today.”
Users swiftly replied, questioning how such pride could coexist with a government that blocks access to Cyrus’s tomb each year to those wishing to visit it on his birthday.