Iran International
After Tehran's deadliest crackdown on dissidents in decades and with broad domestic security mobilization and sweeping internet blackout still in place, Tehran now tries to project an image of calm.
That effort is being carried out through the handful of government-owned media outlets still permitted to operate, and increasingly through individuals granted internet access via so-called “white SIM cards,” who portray a peaceful, orderly Iran.
As of midday January 16, state television’s rolling news channel, IRINN, had aired more than two dozen times an old video showing families visiting a ski resort in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province near Isfahan. “People are enjoying the beautiful snowfall,” the narrator says.
Nowhere on the channel is the still-simmering nationwide discontent mentioned.
‘No tension, no police’
Other bulletins highlight news of a a “major oil contract”—not with a foreign partner, but with a group of well-connected domestic contractors authorized to sell Iranian oil on the black market using a “ghost fleet” geared toward evading US sanctions.
“The sooner this contract bears fruit, the sooner it will be a win-win agreement,” President Masoud Pezeshkian said of the deal in a clip posted on Telegram by the Revolutionary Guards-affiliated Fars News outlet.
On social media, one widely shared clip shows a street on the western edge of Tehran’s Grand Bazaar. Cars move quickly along empty roads, with no pedestrians and no open shops.
“There is no tension in the streets even without security forces present,” the voice in the video says.
The account does not explain why calm streets should appear unusual, though residents note that armored vehicles and machine-gun-mounted vans patrol other neighborhoods openly, especially after dark.
The clip raises another question: how the account’s administrator was able to access the internet while driving in a city that has been largely cut off from the outside world for more than 200 hours by January 16.
‘Cut Trump’s finger’
In another IRINN report, security chief Ali Larijani said he had spoken with his Swiss counterpart “about bilateral ties.”
Around the same time, international media reported that Switzerland—along with several other European countries—had summoned Iran’s ambassador to protest the violent treatment of demonstrators.
State television and state-aligned social media accounts have ignored the suspension of operations by several embassies in Tehran, including that of the United Kingdom, and more recently those of Portugal and New Zealand.
Notably, senior officials have largely disappeared from public view. Airtime has instead been given to former figures such as Mohsen Rezai, the Revolutionary Guards' first commander, who threatened to “cut off Trump’s finger if it is on the trigger” during a televised appearance.
State TV reported that President Pezeshkian thanked Russia for supporting Tehran at the United Nations during a phone call, but otherwise officials remain conspicuously absent.
It may be some time before they reappear. It may take even longer for the public to forget what they did—and failed to say—during the crackdown.
Ali Khamenei in his Saturday speech blamed the United States for casualties, damage and what he described as slander against Iran, directly targeting President Donald Trump for encouraging unrest and promising support to protesters.
“We consider the US president a criminal for the casualties, damages, and the slander he inflicted on the Iranian nation,” Khamenei said. He further described the recent protests as “an American plot” and accused Washington of seeking to “devour Iran.”
Supreme leader links unrest to Washington
Trump, Khamenei said, had personally intervened, accusing him of making statements that emboldened demonstrators and pledging military backing. “Trump himself intervened in this unrest, made statements, encouraged the rioters, and said we will provide military support,” he added.
The events, he said, were planned by Americans with the aim of asserting control over Iran, repeating a long-standing narrative that external forces are behind domestic dissent. He also accused the US president of misrepresenting those involved in the unrest, saying Trump portrayed “vandals” as the Iranian nation.
At least 12,000 people have been killed in Iran in the largest killing in the country's contemporary history, much of it carried out on January 8 and 9 during an ongoing internet shutdown, according to senior government and security sources speaking to Iran International.
The killing was carried out on the direct order of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, with the explicit knowledge and approval of the heads of all three branches of government, and with an order for live fire issued by the Supreme National Security Council, Iran International has learned.
Warning to protesters and alleged backers
Khamenei issued a warning that extended beyond street protests to those he described as "instigators" at home and abroad.
The leader of the Islamic Republic said he does not intend to steer the country toward war but will not let "domestic criminals" go, while also acknowledging that “several thousand people” were killed during widespread protests across Iran.
“The Iranian nation, just as it broke the back of the riot, must also break the back of those who instigated it.”
Authorities and society, he added, would not relent in pursuing those blamed for the unrest. “The Iranian nation will not let go of the domestic and international criminals behind this unrest,” Khamenei said.
Among Iranians inside the country and across the diaspora, the pause is increasingly interpreted not as restraint but as a dangerous limbo.
Calls for decisive military action are now openly framed as a necessary step to halt executions and mass violence, while hesitation is seen as compounding an already unbearable strain.
In Persian-language commentary circulating widely online, Trump’s posture is described as calculated ambiguity rather than caution.
Trump’s public gestures, including a post thanking Iran’s leadership and authorities for not executing detained protesters, are dismissed by critics as deliberate misdirection. They say the aim is to buy time while the United States strengthens its offensive and defensive military position in the Persian Gulf.
“The shadow of a Trump attack on Iran has not disappeared. He uses his intelligence for deception more than for anything else. His post thanking Khamenei and the authorities is also deceptive. He is buying time to reach a strong offensive and defensive military position in the Persian Gulf and to decide on a surprise strike at the optimal moment,” wrote a user.
For many, the conclusion is blunt: military confrontation is inevitable.
“A military attack on the clerics is inevitable. You shouldn’t get too caught up in daily noise. The same fluctuations existed before the 12-day war. The only course is to keep documenting the clerics’ crimes and to keep demanding and applying pressure on the United States and Israel for a maximal attack,” wrote another one.
Trump remarks fuel disbelief and anger
Trump’s own comments have inflamed skepticism. "We have been told that the killing in Iran is stopping, it has stopped, it's stopping," he told reporters in the Oval Office Wednesday afternoon. "And there's no plan for executions or an execution or executions. So, I've been told that on good authority. We'll find out about it."
He also said on Friday: "Nobody convinced me, I convinced myself. You had yesterday scheduled over 800 hangings. They didn't hang anyone. They cancelled the hangings. That had a big impact."
Public reaction to Trump’s remarks was colored by memories of past crises and government narratives that later unraveled.
“Sure, Mr. Trump,” one user wrote, “they also told us they didn’t shoot down the Ukrainian plane.”
The post referenced Flight PS752, which Iranian authorities denied downing in 2020 for several days before acknowledging it was downed by Iranian missiles, hardening skepticism.
Ambiguity seen as tactic to preserve leverage
A recurring theme was Trump’s communication style. “This is Trump’s usual way,” one post read. “Maybe they called me, maybe I’ll negotiate, maybe I’ll attack, maybe I’ll attack first then negotiate. He uses this tactic to confuse his audience.”
Others argued the statements were designed to establish a record. “Politics is complex,” one user wrote. “He said that so if an attack happens tomorrow, the world won’t grab him asking why you struck. He can say, ‘I warned them and they didn’t listen.’”
Debate over patience, pressure and timing
Social media has also become a forum for strategic debate among Iranians about the role of time, restraint and foreign intervention. “This movement didn’t begin with hope for an American attack,” one wrote. “It shouldn’t end with despair over not getting one.”
Others emphasized endurance. “As long as people remain in the streets, we won’t lose hope,” another post said, arguing that internal pressure, not foreign strikes, would determine outcomes – even if outside action could shorten the path.
A more tactical strand of discussion focused on military logistics. Users pointed to reports of aircraft carrier movements, troop redeployments and regional preparations as signs that delay does not equal abandonment. “All these movements mean money, cost,” one post read. “Even if Trump orders it today, it takes weeks – equipment, transport, doctors, food.”
One argued that an immediate strike could trigger indiscriminate retaliation across the region – from Iraq and the Persian Gulf to Israel – and even false-flag attacks blamed on outside powers, invoking the PS752 precedent. In that view, delay allows for planning aimed at minimizing civilian casualties.
Some took a more psychological angle. “The fact that Trump hasn’t attacked yet has frayed your nerves,” one user wrote, “imagine what it’s doing to the nerves of the security forces.” The argument suggests waiting itself can function as pressure, exhausting those tasked with maintaining control.
Some also expressed relief that no strike had occurred, arguing that a rushed or limited attack could be politically symbolic rather than decisive, allowing leaders to disengage without addressing deeper risks. “Trump isn’t looking for a battle he can’t win,” one post said, suggesting preparation signals calculation rather than retreat.
For a society already accustomed to crisis, the waiting has become its own ordeal. Each day without action brings more frustration. As one user put it, half-joking and half-resigned, “Until news of an attack on Iran comes directly from Trump’s account, I won’t believe anything anymore.”
In the absence of certainty, Iranians continue to debate, wait and endure at one of the most sensitive moments in the country’s modern history where thousands have been killed.
Families stood in long lines outside, he added, waiting to be allowed in to look for loved ones among the dead.
Kiarash, whose last name Iran International is withholding for his safety, described the sprawling morgue as a "warehouse of bodies."
He was there to find the body of the woman, Nasim Pouaghai, after she was shot in the neck and died after a night in hospital.
Kiarash found himself face to face with what he believed to be up to 2,000 bodies brought in during a span of just a few hours on Saturday amid a nationwide internet blackout that sealed Iran off from the outside world.
“People were waiting to go inside of these warehouses to find their beloved and their killed body," Kiarash told Eye for Iran. "I saw two or three trucks that were in the queue … to unload the bodies."
His testimony is one of the few ground-level accounts of the mass killings in the worst crackdown on dissent in the country in decades as that shutdown persists.
At least 12,000 people were killed in just two days as the Islamic Republic unleashed a sweeping crackdown, according to tallies from medics and senior Iranian officials obtained by Iran International.
Kiarash said security forces were stationed at the entrance of Tehran's main cemetery, the Behesht-e Zahra. Inside, families were directed toward the main hall for washing corpses per Islamic practices, where he noticed the warehouses for the first time.
Through the open doors, he says, bodies were visible in stacked rows. Based on what he personally saw, he estimates that each warehouse held between 1,500 and 2,000 bodies by early afternoon. Trucks continued arriving, unloading more.
"I saw small bags," Kiarash added. "I found it out that there are children. There were many, many children."
'Holocaust' scenes
Phones were useless. There was no signal. When he tried to document what he was seeing but was stopped by security personnel. Around him, families broke down in tears as they searched through layers of bodies, sometimes forced to move one body aside to look for another beneath it.
He recalls one mother finding her son and begging others not to touch him, even as other families desperately searched beneath stacked bodies for their own loved ones.
Later that same day, during the blackout, Kiarash says he witnessed indiscriminate shooting at close range in Sa’adat Abad, a wealthy residential neighborhood in northwestern Tehran.
He says a shooter dressed in a black chador, traditional women's clothes in Iran, opened fire on a crowd. Bodies began hitting the ground.
“I heard bang, bang, pop, pop. Six times ... and I saw three people, they collapsed just near me. Two girls and one boy.”
Kiarash says he joined others in dragging the wounded into side streets as the shooter fled.
“We can’t stop this regime from killing the people. They’re not talking with us. They’re just killing," Kiarash said. “I just saw when they were throwing out the bodies in the cemetery. It was the same picture which we have here in Germany from the Holocaust.”
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