Signs from within Ghalibaf’s own camp — the self-described “neocons” — indicate he is also positioning himself for a major elevation.
The clearest indication came on October 22, when Tourism Minister Reza Salhi Amiri asserted that Ghalibaf was tasked by Khamenei to lead the war effort after Israel killed several top commanders on day one of the 12-day war in June.
The account has not been rejected by Khamenei’s office and was echoed by outlets linked to the Intelligence Ministry, including Mashregh News and Tabnak, run by former Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commander Mohsen Rezaei.
Ghalibaf later confirmed in a YouTube interview that he coordinated military operations during the conflict, keeping a low profile to avoid Israeli targeting while meeting key figures in person.
That would suggest he was one of the few individuals with direct access to Khamenei throughout the war.
Supporters network
Since then, Iranian media have increasingly referred to Khorassan newspaper—funded and run under Khamenei’s office—as Ghalibaf’s outlet, with the paper heavily promoting his role in state affairs despite its earlier acknowledgment of parliament’s declining relevance.
Meanwhile, a coordinated social-media network calling itself “The Official Network of Ghalibaf’s Supporters” has swung into action.
The accounts promote his every appearance and cast him as a national leader rather than a parliamentary figure, crediting him for reviving the long-stalled Coupon Project for distributing essential goods or for pushing the idea of converting an old Tehran prison into a museum.
Supporter accounts have simultaneously attacked former President Hassan Rouhani for allegedly trying to tarnish Ghalibaf’s image, reviving debate-stage accusations that his campaigns took money from drug traffickers.
Other posts highlight Ghalibaf’s foreign travels, including his trip to Pakistan and meeting with prime minister Shahbaz Sharif on Friday November 7th.
Critics often ridicule Ghalibaf’s missteps, but they rarely note his credentials: he holds a legitimate university degree in political geography, is licensed to fly passenger aircraft, and has served as Tehran’s Police Chief and Commander of the IRGC Air Force.
In recent months, he has aligned himself rhetorically with hardline conservatives on issues such as censorship and hijab enforcement, while distancing himself from such initiatives once they become unpopular—a maneuver typical of politicians seeking higher office.