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OPINION

Hard shell, living core: how everyday life keeps Iran's future alive

Kambiz Hosseini
Kambiz Hosseini

Host of nightly show The Program

Oct 12, 2025, 16:25 GMT+1Updated: 00:14 GMT+0
A young Iranian woman rides her bike in the northern city of Rasht, Iran, May 2025
A young Iranian woman rides her bike in the northern city of Rasht, Iran, May 2025

Iran today stands at a crossroads between decay and renewal: the old order has not yet collapsed, and any new society has yet to fully emerge.

Here’s the lay of the land.

Tehran. A late summer sunset. A young woman in a loose linen coat rides her moped past a billboard of slain commanders of the June war with Israel. Her hair, uncovered, whips through the air as the call to prayer echoes over rooftops scrawled with graffiti.

It’s a fleeting image— half defiance, half survival— but it captures the contradiction of life in an ailing religious state run by an 86-year old ruling over a young population which yearns for a better life.

From above, a political system struggles to survive by shedding its skin into a harder, more securitized form. From below, society is defying the pressure by quietly reinventing itself, thriving together in social and artistic places, unveiled and unbowed.

Iran’s future hangs in balance as the two realities collide.

Erosion or renewal?

Sociologists offer two contrasting readings of Iran’s condition.

One sees society at its weakest: social capital eroding, trust fading, public bonds thinning. Economic hardship has forced Iranians inward, building small islands of survival in a sea of uncertainty.

The other sees adaptation at work. Even under pressure, society is reorganizing itself. Signs of this regeneration can be found in the behavior of the young, in underground music and digital satire, in cafés and rooftops reclaimed as shared space.

Social change in Iran rarely announces itself; it leaks through the seams. What may look like resignation is often invention—a culture that has learnt to breathe under constraint.

Shedding skin for survival

The state seeks to ensure its survival by becoming thicker and more controlling—fortifying itself to endure a self-made, permanent state of emergency.

Yet it appears to be hollowing from within, clinging to symbols and slogans that few outside the security apparatus still believe in, let alone fight for.

Ordinary Iranians, especially the young, have moved on.

Everyday life in the cities reveals the contours of this transformation: in dress codes and cultural consumption, underground music, the language of youth and the growing visibility of women in public spaces.

Everyday life as resistance

Walk through Tehran and you feel two clocks ticking at once.

On one hand, the city wears the uniform of authority: portraits, banners, prohibitions. On the other, life insists on slipping past the censors.

It’s there in loosened fabrics and street style, in the sly humor of street art, in laughter spilling from cafés that double as sanctuaries.

A generation raised amid sanctions and firewalls seeks meaning not in possessions but in experiences—in fleeting freedoms, in self-expression, in joy reclaimed as a political act.

Beneath repression, a new cultural grammar is taking shape. It is diffuse yet deliberate, defiant yet creative. It asserts and insists on its agency without shouting.

Where next?

Iran’s future is not fixed.

If society can weave cohesion from its scattered threads, a “soft reconstruction” may emerge—a gradual rebuilding from below, driven by civic networks and the imagination of the new generation.

But if political and economic pressures persist and society turns inward, even this fragile tissue could tear. The state might endure, getting hollower but nastier every day

The greatest reason for optimism is that after nearly half a century of theocratic rule, Iranian society remains generative—in art, language, humor.

Life continues in fragments: whispered jokes on buses, basement exhibitions, online debates that flicker between VPNs.

From that vitality springs possibility. And from possibility, hope.

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Ex-security chief says Rouhani knew of Ukrainian jet downing

Oct 12, 2025, 11:38 GMT+1

Iran’s former top security official Ali Shamkhani has said then-president Hassan Rouhani was promptly informed after the Revolutionary Guards downed a Ukrainian passenger jet in 2020, contradicting public denials by Rouhani’s aides.

In a 90-minute video interview published Sunday on YouTube by filmmaker Javad Mogouei, Shamkhani, former secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, addressed sensitive military and intelligence matters, including the former President Ebrahim Raisi helicopter crash and Iran’s nuclear policy. The video was briefly removed from the channel before being restored.

Shamkhani said then-armed forces chief Mohammad Bagheri called him after the downing of the jet and said “the guys mistakenly shot down the Ukrainian plane.” Shamkhani said he immediately relayed the message to Rouhani.

Ukraine International Airlines flight PS752 was struck by two IRGC missiles on January 8, 2020, shortly after takeoff from Tehran, killing 176 people. In May 2025, Mahmoud Vaezi, Rouhani’s former chief of staff, said Rouhani only found out two days later during a national security meeting.

Shamkhani said there was pressure within the Supreme National Security Council to blame the crash on US electronic warfare. “There was no reason for secrecy,” he said. “It would have come out, and no one would benefit from hiding it.”

Helicopter crash “may exceed technical diagnosis”

The former security chief also addressed speculation around the May 2024 helicopter crash that killed president Ebrahim Raisi and foreign minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian.

Although military investigators concluded “nothing happened” during the flight, Shamkhani said suspicions of an assassination attempt increased after the 12-day war with Israel.

“Technically it was reviewed, and no foreign involvement was found,” he said. “But it’s possible the cause lies beyond our technical ability to detect.”

Elsewhere in the interview, Shamkhani said he regretted Iran had not pursued a nuclear bomb under president Mohammad Khatami. “If I went back to that period, I would definitely seek an atomic bomb,” he said.

On threats to close the Strait of Hormuz, he said such action would require extreme escalation. “We haven’t reached that point yet.”

Iranian official reverses on hijab, urges punishment for dissent

Oct 12, 2025, 09:14 GMT+1

Mohammad Reza Bahoner, member of Iran’s Expediency Council, has recanted earlier remarks opposing mandatory hijab, calling it a "social necessity" and demanding punishment for those who challenge it during an appearance on Iran’s state broadcaster on Saturday.

Bahonar had previously caused a stir by saying there was no longer any basis for enforcing hijab laws.
“The era of running a country through mandatory hijab laws is over,” Bahoner said in a debate aired by Entekhab on October 4, adding that the Supreme National Security Council had cut the hijab legislation, rendering it unenforceable.

In a separate meeting with journalists, Bahoner said, “Some insist hijab must be compulsory. I’ve never believed in mandatory hijab—not from the beginning, and not now.”

Those remarks drew swift backlash from conservative figures and media, including Kayhan newspaper, which operates under the supervision of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s office. The spokesperson for the Expediency Council, Mohsen Dehnavi, distanced the body from Bahoner’s statements, writing on X on Saturday that his comments “do not reflect the official views or legal standing of the Council.”

On Friday, Tehran’s interim Friday prayer leader Mohammad Javad Haj Ali Akbari rebuked Bahoner without naming him. “Who are you to speak like that? Who gave you permission? Why do you speak on behalf of the system?” he asked from the pulpit.

Facing mounting pressure, Bahoner walked back his remarks during a televised interview on October 11, aligning himself with hardliners. “In our system, boundaries must be clear. Whoever breaks these norms will be treated the same as someone who violates security or economic rules,” he said.

He equated cultural dissent with national security threats, saying, “Publications and media that undermine cultural norms are just as damaging to society as security breaches.”

His reversal comes amid a wave of government actions against businesses across Iran, including the sealing of cafes and restaurants accused of failing to enforce hijab rules. Police issued a fresh directive on October 9, warning all public venues to adhere to hijab regulations or face closure.

Scorsese urges streaming giants to spotlight Iranian filmmakers

Oct 12, 2025, 02:00 GMT+1

Martin Scorsese and Jafar Panahi shared the stage at the New York Film Festival, where Scorsese appealed to streaming platforms to promote Iranian cinema and Panahi reflected on exile, censorship, and the resilience of Iranian artists.

The event, postponed for a week because of visa delays, coincided with the US premiere of Panahi’s It Was Just An Accident, his Cannes Palme d’Or-winning feature, which was filmed secretly and inspired by his imprisonment, according to the Deadline website.

After winning the prestigious Palme d'Or, Panahi returned to Iran where he is banned from filmmaking. However, the ban has not kept him from doing his job.

The discussion between the two prominent filmmakers quickly turned to the condition of Iranian cinema and the challenges facing its filmmakers.

Scorsese asked about the exodus of major Iranian directors in recent years. Panahi said the loss had been devastating for the nation’s film culture.

“It was really difficult to bear … All the backbones of Iranian filmmaking are out. I really miss all those films that they could have made in Iran and they never did,” he said through a translator.

“I don’t have the courage and I don’t have the ability to leave Iran and stay out of Iran. I have stayed there and I’m going to work there.”

Scorsese urged distributors, festivals, and streamers to step in. “These films would have to be supported,” he said. “Streaming platforms have a lot of room. And they throw things … There’s no reason why, you know, a Criterion, Mubi, and Amazon, all of that, couldn’t show these films.”

Platforms should “curate them a bit” so audiences can find and understand them, he added.

Change and defiance

Panahi recalled being banned from filmmaking for 20 years following his arrest. “When they told me that I could not make films for 20 years, or write, or give interviews, or leave Iran for 20 years, I was in shock,” he said.

“50% of your energy and your strength goes into finding the way to … make a film. And you only have 50% left for creativity and for the work itself.”

Reflecting on the Woman, Life, Freedom protests, Panahi said the movement had permanently altered Iran’s public and artistic life.

“In my opinion, the history of these Islamic Republic is divided into before and after … This had affected everything. Of course it would affect cinema too.”

At this year's Academy Awards, four Iranian directors are competing in the Best International Feature Film category, each representing a different country, with a shortlist of finalists due to be announced on March 2.

Iran submitted Cause of Death: Unknown by Ali Zarnegar after a selection process that excluded films by independent and dissident filmmakers.

Among those left out was the critics’ favorite It Was Just an Accident, secretly filmed by internationally acclaimed director Jafar Panahi, who is banned from filmmaking.

Panahi's drama was in turn submitted to the Oscars by France while fellow dissident filmmaker Alireza Khatami’s The Things You Kill will represent Canada.

Shahram Mokri’s Black Rabbit, White Rabbit has also been selected by Tajikistan.

Iran says will never join Trump's 'treacherous' Israel normalization deals

Oct 11, 2025, 20:40 GMT+1

Iranian foreign minister on Saturday rejected US President Donald Trump’s remarks that Iran might join the Abraham Accords, saying normalization of ties with Israel runs counter to Tehran’s core principles.

In late September, Trump said: "Who knows, maybe even Iran can get in there," referring to the Abraham Accords — a peace deal signed during Trump's first term under which Israel normalized diplomatic relations with four Muslim-majority nations.

“Trump says what he wishes to achieve in different forms,” Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said in a televised interview. “The foundation of the Abraham plan is treacherous. It has no alignment with our ideals and will never happen.”

Araghchi warned regional governments that Tehran views normalization with Israel as a betrayal of Palestinian rights and said Iran’s position on the matter will not change.

Addressing Trump’s remarks that Iran’s support for his Gaza peace plan shows it wants peace, Araghchi said, “Trump’s interpretation of the foreign ministry’s statement is his own concern. We're not afraid of saying it, we supported parts of this plan, that’s all.”

“We have always supported any plan or initiative that leads to the halt of crimes and genocide against the people of Gaza,” he said.

Iran had made clear its views on the ceasefire proposal but did not trust Israel’s intentions, the minister added.

“There is no trust in the Zionist regime,” Araghchi said. “We have always supported the resistance and the people of Gaza and Palestine. Any decision that ensures the rights of the Palestinian people and facilitates aid to Gaza gives us no reason to oppose it.”

The ceasefire decision, Araghchi said, ultimately belonged to the Palestinian factions themselves. “The resistance has decided, and this decision belongs to the Palestinian people. No one can decide on their behalf."

Trump on Thursday said Iranian authorities had been in contact to express their desire to pursue peace and to strongly back a deal he reached aimed at winding down the war in Gaza.

"So Iran is different, but Iran wants to work on peace now they've informed us, and they acknowledge that they are totally in favor of this deal. They think it's a great thing. So we appreciate that, and we'll work with Iran," Trump added.

Hardliners fault Iran government for lax hijab enforcement

Oct 11, 2025, 18:10 GMT+1

Hardline clerics and lawmakers have accused Iran’s government of neglecting mandatory hijab enforcement, after outrage over a mixed-gender event reignited debate on public appearance and the state’s waning control over personal freedoms.

The event, held in a café where participants appeared in what officials described as “unorthodox attire,” has renewed debate over the government’s role in regulating how citizens dress in public, Mehr News reported on Saturday.

“Authorities had effectively distanced themselves from responsibility, preferring inaction to a defined policy, even as disagreements over personal freedoms and appearance grow more visible across society,” wrote Mehr.

According to Iranian law, the national Working Group for the Regulation of Fashion and Clothing — established under a 2006 act of parliament — is charged with promoting clothing designs “reflecting Iranian-Islamic culture” and guiding the domestic market toward local styles while discouraging “foreign or unfamiliar models.”

The body has failed to meet those goals, Mehr reported. “The current state of fashion shows the neglect of this working group,” the outlet wrote, adding that “there is no sign of guidance in production or marketing.”

According to a 2022 survey by independent Netherlands-based research group GAMAAN, over 70 percent of men and women in Iran opposed mandatory hijab laws.

In Iran, the mandatory hijab serves not only as a religious practice but also as a political emblem woven into the state’s identity. Since 1979, its mandatory observance has been portrayed as a sign of revolutionary integrity and defiance toward Western cultural influence.

For hardliners, enforcing the hijab affirms the Islamic Republic’s legitimacy, while resistance to it is seen as defiance of state authority. As a result, women’s clothing has become a persistent political fault line.

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Since the death in morality police custody of Mahsa "Jina" Amini in September 2022, many Iranian women have continued to reject compulsory hijab laws, turning individual gestures of dissent into a broader collective challenge. In Tehran and other major cities, appearing unveiled in public has increasingly become an everyday act of resistance.

Broader debate over hijab enforcement

The controversy unfolded as senior clerics and lawmakers renewed calls for strict hijab enforcement, despite the visible defiance of women and girls across Iran.

At a joint session of the Assembly of Experts, member Hashem Hosseini-Bushehri said “both cultural and economic neglect had caused distress among religious authorities and the public.”

“If the issue of hijab is not managed properly, it will worsen like a cracked dam,” Mojtaba Zolnour, a parliament member from Qom, warned Friday. He accused parliament’s leadership of inaction.

Friday prayer leaders nationwide echoed similar messages in coordinated sermons. Tehran’s temporary prayer leader Mohammad Javad Haj Ali Akbari urged “observance of modesty in public,” while Shahrekord’s cleric Mostafa Hashemi said hijab was “a divine obligation, not a personal right,” and that neglecting it “disturbs the community’s psychological peace.”

Despite such rhetoric, the government has quietly suspended enforcement of a strict hijab bill amid fears of renewed protests.

Conservative figure Mohammad-Reza Bahonar said in a recent interview that “the era of ruling the country by forcing hijab through law is over,” adding that the Supreme National Security Council had cut the bill.

Yet in recent weeks, authorities have sealed cafés and restaurants across cities for noncompliance after outcry by hardliners. Police warned that all businesses “must observe current laws,” signaling that Iran’s long-running struggle over dress and personal freedom remains unresolved.