Iran using banned additives to offset gasoline shortfall, Iran Open Data shows
A gas station in Iran
Iran is increasingly blending hazardous petrochemicals into its gasoline supply to address a growing shortfall in domestic fuel production, risking environmental damage and endangering public health, according to confidential documents reviewed by Iran Open Data (IOD).
Among the additives is methyl tert-butyl ether (MTBE), a chemical known for its role in groundwater contamination and listed as a potential carcinogen.
Though banned or heavily restricted in numerous countries such as the US, MTBE is reportedly being used in substantial volumes—even in gasoline marketed under European emissions standards, such as Euro 4 and Euro 5.
Unacknowledged chemicals in ‘euro-standard’ fuel
The documents reviewed by IOD detail a system-wide reliance on off-site chemical additives to raise the octane rating of base gasoline. These include MTBE and aromatic octane boosters, which are not derived from conventional refining processes.
Iran’s Shazand refinery, the country’s largest producer of Euro-grade gasoline, blends approximately 350,000 liters of MTBE daily, while the Esfahan refinery adds 325,000 liters per day, according to the data. Both refineries label their fuel as Euro 4 or Euro 5 compliant.
The use of restricted additives contradicts environmental standards associated with the Euro classification, which are designed to reduce emissions and limit pollutants.
Production gap and fuel demand
Iran produced an average of 101 million liters of base gasoline per day in 2024, rising to 121 million liters per day after incorporating roughly 20 million liters of off-site additives. However, daily domestic demand stands at 123.5 million liters, leaving a shortfall of 2.5 million liters.
The shortfall, coupled with economic constraints and sanctions limiting imports and refinery upgrades, has prompted a quiet return to petrochemical-derived gasoline—first adopted during international sanctions in 2010.
Refining limitations and aging infrastructure
In spite of owning the world's second largest natural gas reserves, Iran’s refining infrastructure remains massively underdeveloped resulting from both sanctions and macroeconomic policies in Iran. No new refinery has been commissioned since 2017, and six of the ten major facilities predate the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
The Persian Gulf Star refinery, Iran’s largest by volume, produces 39 million liters/day, but none of its output qualifies for Euro-grade certification.
According to IOD, one-third of Iran’s gasoline is officially labeled Euro 4 or Euro 5, but internal documents indicate that even these fuels often contain high-risk chemical additives.
Health and environmental risks
MTBE is widely banned in Europe, the US, and other countries due to its high solubility in water and persistence in the environment. Even trace contamination of groundwater can lead to environmental damage and health risks for the population, making its use in consumer fuels controversial.
In 2014, a Tehran city health official warned that non-standard fuels could increase airborne benzene levels up to 35 times the safe limit.
A 2023 environmental review by Iranian authorities said that just 38% of gasoline met domestic quality standards. The IOD report suggests the problem has since worsened.
Iran maintains one of the world’s lowest gasoline prices—second only to Libya—due to heavy state subsidies, currency depreciation, and the impact of international sanctions.
Officials frequently cite low fuel prices as a driver of excessive consumption and cross-border smuggling, but attempts to increase prices have been shelved amid fears of social unrest.
The government has not publicly addressed the use of MTBE or other additives, and internal reports avoid naming specific chemicals, instead using general terms such as “aromatic octane boosters” or “off-site petrochemical inputs.”
Iran Open Data warns that Iran’s increasing dependence on petrochemical additives, without parallel investment in refining capacity, poses significant long-term risks to public health, environmental safety, and economic sustainability.
“The growing reliance on high-risk additives has become a cornerstone of fuel supply, in the absence of refinery upgrades,” the report said. “This strategy could carry severe health, environmental, and economic consequences.”
Officials from Iran’s Ministry of Petroleum and the Department of Environment did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
Iran and France traded barbs after dissident filmmaker Jafar Panahi won cinema’s most coveted prize at Cannes, but the diplomatic rift between the two countries runs far deeper than red carpets and celebrity politics.
“There have been many transgressions making a mockery of France’s ‘human rights activism,’” Abbas Araghchi wrote on X, posting a screenshot of a Common Dreams headline from November 2024: “‘Pathetic’: France Says It Will Not Enforce ICC Arrest Warrant for Netanyahu.”
“But perhaps nothing has made the hypocrisy as stark as the French approach to the Israeli regime and its war crimes,” he wrote.
Iran summoned the French embassy's chargé d'affaires on Sunday after French foreign minister Jean-Noël Barroti called Panahi a symbol of resistance against what he said was Iran's oppressive policies.
Nuclear disagreements
France is one of the three European signatories to the 2015 nuclear deal—known as the E3—alongside Germany and the UK. It has the power to trigger the snapback mechanism, which would reimpose UN sanctions lifted under the agreement.
The deadline for this is October 18, as set by UN Security Council Resolution 2231.
According to The Jerusalem Post, senior E3 officials have privately warned Washington that Tehran is deliberately dragging its feet in nuclear talks, potentially weakening the ability of the Europeans to reimpose UN sanctions if negotiations collapse.
Some state-linked outlets in Iran have long accused France of adopting the toughest stance within the P5+1 group.
“France has long played the role of a ‘pressure actor’ in Iran’s nuclear dossier,” a Nour News commentary argued last month. “In effect, Paris acted as the ‘bad cop’ in the negotiations, assuming the tactical role of a disruptor within the P5+1 mechanism,” the piece said.
French firms exit Iran
Tensions are also rooted in economic fallout.
Following the reimposition of US secondary sanctions in 2018, several major French companies exited Iran, abandoning multibillion-dollar ventures launched after the 2015 deal.
In 2017, TotalEnergies signed a $4.8 billion agreement to develop Phase 11 of Iran’s South Pars gas field—then the largest Western energy investment in Iran since the nuclear deal. The company withdrew in 2018.
France’s auto sector was similarly hit. PSA Group (Peugeot-Citroën) suspended joint ventures with Iran in June 2018, despite a 2016 deal with SAIPA to invest €300 million. Renault also pulled out of a project to produce 150,000 vehicles annually with plans to expand to 300,000.
Detained citizens
France has repeatedly accused Iran of “hostage diplomacy”—detaining foreign nationals as leverage in negotiations.
On May 16, Paris filed a case against Iran at the International Court of Justice over the detention of two French citizens and Tehran’s refusal to grant consular access for more than a year.
Cécile Kohler, a teacher, and her partner Jacques Paris were arrested in 2022 and later appeared on Iranian state TV making what France says were coerced confessions.
French Foreign Minister Barrot warned in January that the release of detained French nationals would directly affect bilateral ties and potential sanctions.
Tehran, meanwhile, accuses Paris of politically motivated arrests of its citizens.
In April, France arrested dual national Shahin Hazamy over alleged support for Hezbollah and Palestinian groups online. In February, French authorities detained Mahdieh Esfandiari, a language teacher, on charges of inciting violence and defending terrorism. Iran says it has been denied consular access in both cases.
In February, French authorities also arrested Mahdieh Esfandiari, a language teacher and translator, on charges of publicly defending terrorism and inciting violence online.
Iran's foreign ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said on April 7 that Iran was denied consular access to her.
Sanctions over rights, Ukraine war
France has sanctioned dozens of Iranian individuals and entities—either unilaterally or with EU partners—for Tehran’s crackdown on popular protests and its provision of drones and missiles to Russia for the war in Ukraine.
Those targeted include senior IRGC figures and executives of state-affiliated media.
The clash over Jafar Panahi may have brought tensions into the spotlight, but the grievances on both sides point to a relationship under sustained and widening strain.
A nationwide truck drivers’ strike in Iran entered its fourth day on Sunday, with protests spreading to dozens of cities and major highways despite a police crackdown and arrests.
The Union of Iranian Truckers and Heavy Vehicle Drivers said in a statement on Sunday that police used pepper spray on protesting drivers and arrested several of them.
Launched on May 22 in the southern port city of Bandar Abbas, the coordinated protest has since spread widely across the country, with truckers pledging to hold out for a full week or longer if their demands remain unmet.
Drivers are demanding better working conditions, higher freight rates, and relief from high insurance costs and fuel restrictions.
On Sunday, drivers in the southeastern cities of Jiroft and Sirjan, the western cities of Shabab in Ilam province and Asadabad in Hamadan province, and several locations in Tehran province, including Pakdasht, joined the strike.
Videos show parked freight trucks, drivers refusing cargo, and protest actions such as horn-blaring. The strike has disrupted traffic on key highways and industrial zones.
Footage received by Iran International on Sunday showed strikes continuing in cities across the provinces of South Khorasan, Ardabil, Bushehr, Sistan and Baluchestan, Gilan, Fars, Isfahan, Qazvin, West Azarbaijan, Yazd, and Razavi Khorasan.
Government response
Despite state media efforts to portray freight operations as normal, the scale of the strike has prompted responses from senior officials.
Parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf on Sunday called truckers a “key link in the production and supply chain” and urged the government to act quickly. He cited high costs of vehicles and spare parts, insurance burdens, and unfair freight distribution.
Mehdi Khezri, deputy head of the Road Maintenance and Transportation Organization, said base fuel quotas would remain unchanged and that the issue was under review.
He added that meetings were being held with the Social Security Organization and the interior ministry, and that a cabinet-level proposal to reduce insurance costs was under discussion.
Khezri acknowledged that a 45% rise in insurance premiums earlier this year had triggered discontent.
Mohammad Mohammadi, deputy head of the Social Security Organization, said the government continues to pay 50% of the 27% insurance contribution for truckers and that this had not changed.
The IRGC-affiliated Fars News Agency called reports of steep insurance hikes “rumors.”
Previous truckers' strikes
Iran’s truck drivers have staged several large-scale strikes in the past.
In 2018, drivers across dozens of cities stopped work for several weeks over low freight rates, high insurance costs, and access to parts, leading to arrests and government warnings.
In 2022, truckers again walked off the job in solidarity with nationwide protests following the death of Mahsa Amini, who died in police custody over an alleged hijab violation.
Truck drivers across Iran staged a third consecutive day of strikes on Saturday, with videos sent to Iran International showing a broad and coordinated stoppage from Isfahan and Borujerd to Mashhad and ports in the south.
The strike, called by the national union of truckers and drivers, has emptied highways, halted freight movement, and drawn in voices from across the country demanding action on long-standing sector grievances.
In a video from Kaveh Industrial City in Markazi province, a driver said: “Please respect each other. These men have debts, they have loans, but they stood their ground so we can fix things.”
Another video from Firoozkouh showed drivers refusing to take loads, stating: “Not a single truck moved freight today. Every driver is on strike.”
Protesters cite steep insurance costs, delays in diesel quota refills and low cargo rates as key reasons for the strike.
A driver from Dezful sent a message saying, “These trucks’ freight rates are too low. They either don’t get fuel or the diesel fuel cards are topped up late. Why has truck and driver insurance gotten so expensive?”
The scale of the action was visible in near-empty transport corridors. A driver on the Tehran-Isfahan highway filmed the road devoid of freight trucks, saying: “Today is Saturday, May 24. This is the Tehran–Isfahan highway, and there’s not a single trailer or truck in sight.”
Another video from Sabzevar showed trailers honking in unison.
In Kazerun, farmers were seen protesting the lack of available transport for their produce.
A driver from Zarand, Kerman, urged others to maintain discipline: “This video is from Zarand. No one should enter the city until we can support each other. Stand together.”
The drivers’ union, which earlier announced, “Our trucks are silent, but our voices are louder than ever,” said the strike would continue until authorities formally commit to resolving their demands.
“We won’t be deceived again,” the union said in a statement. “No driver will turn on the engine until our demands are officially recognized and enforced.”
Exiled prince Reza Pahlavi expressed support for the truckers’ nationwide strike on Friday, writing on X: “As one of the country’s vital economic pillars, your protest against unjust working and living conditions gives voice to the shared suffering of millions of Iranians crushed for years under injustice, incompetence, and corruption.”
Launched on May 18 in Bandar Abbas, the coordinated protest has since spread to over 35 cities, with truckers pledging to hold out for a full week or possibly longer if their demands remain unmet.
Despite worsening energy shortages at home, Iran has increased its gas and electricity exports over the past year, official data shows.
The country has faced persistent shortfalls in both electricity and natural gas since early 2024. Many industries have been affected and may even come to halt, Iranian minister for industry Mohammad Atabak warned on Thursday.
Still, Iran’s gas exports to Turkey went up 5% in the year ending February 2025, according to latest data from Turkey’s Energy Market Regulatory Authority (EPDK).
Electricity exports to Iraq rose by 6% in the same period, according to a recent report by Iran’s energy ministry. Iraq is also Iran’s second-largest gas customer, but no updated figures are available for gas exports to that country.
Profiting abroad, struggling at home
In its latest budget, the moderate administration of president Masoud Pezeshkian projects gas exports worth $5 billion.
Iran’s gas exports are dwarfed by domestic consumption. But the export revenues far exceed the domestic sales due to heavy subsidies of energy for Iranians.
The same pricing gap exists in the electricity sector. The government is struggling to fuel Iran’s power plants, but continues to sell electricity to higher-paying foreign buyers while industries at home face frequent power cuts.
A manager at a petrochemical plant in Tabriz, northwestern Iran, told Iran International that the factory loses power three days a week, with water cuts one day weekly.
“Running diesel generators isn’t viable either,” he said, “Industrial diesel now sells for 15,000 tomans a liter—about 50 times the subsidized rate for vehicles.”
Diesel prices set to rise
Iran’s government recently approved a three-tier pricing plan for vehicle diesel: a subsidized quota, a semi-subsidized tier, and a market-based rate aligned with production costs.
The current subsidized price is just 0.35 cents per liter. While final figures haven’t been released, the oil ministry estimates that diesel production costs run around 285,000 rials per liter—roughly 34 cents.
An oil ministry document obtained by Iran International shows diesel production grew by 3.5% last year, while consumption jumped 7.5%. Officials have filled the gap through fuel oil barter deals abroad.
Roughly half of Iran’s diesel goes to the transport sector; the rest fuels power plants, industry, and other infrastructure.
Industries told to import electricity
Curiously, officials in Tehran are now encouraging factories to import electricity.
“Large industrial users can import power from Turkey and Azerbaijan via existing cross-border grids,” deputy director of transmission at state utility Mohammad-Allah Daad said on Tuesday.
But with domestic electricity priced far below international levels, this solution appears economically unfeasible for most industries. Rising energy costs are expected to push factory prices even higher—further fueling inflation.
A decade ago, Turkey and Azerbaijan imported electricity from Iran. Today, both countries have become net exporters thanks to rapid investment in solar and wind energy.
Imports may not be a solution
An investigation by Iran International found that Iran’s infrastructure allows for importing just 850 megawatts (MW) from neighboring countries. Yet the country faces a seasonal shortfall of up to 25,000 MW in summer and 15,000 MW in winter.
Even using the full import capacity would cover barely 3.4% of the summer gap.
To illustrate the scale of the problem: if Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, and Armenia diverted all their current exports—roughly 3 terawatt-hours annually—to Iran, it still wouldn’t be enough to meaningfully offset the deficit.
Natural gas poses an even bigger challenge.
Over the past three years, Iran’s electricity and gas output have grown by just 2% annually—while consumption has surged more than threefold, driven by population growth, subsidies, and inefficiency.
Iran’s oil revenues should be deposited into a national fund before being spent, the country’s budget chief said on Monday, urging greater transparency and fiscal discipline as the military's share of the revenue continues to rise.
A third of Iran’s projected oil revenue for the year ending March 2026—worth $12.4bn—will go directly to the armed forces and military projects, three times more than last year.
The rest of the oil income, along with $33.5bn in gas revenues, will be split between the government’s budget, the National Development Fund (NDF), and the national oil company.
“The best course of action is to deposit all oil revenues into the National Development Fund,” the head of Iran’s planning and budget organization Hamid Pourmohammadi told a forum in Tehran on Monday.
“This way, we can determine at the start of the year how much the government needs, and based on that, the government can plan how much it can spend by year’s end.”
Pourmohammadi offered no detail on the existing arrangements which allow the fund to be bypassed and institutions such as the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) access a portion of Iran’s oil revenue before it reaches the government’s coffers.
He conceded, however, that the administration of moderate president Masoud Pezeshkian lacks consensus on how to implement the NDF-takes-it-all idea.
The NDF was established in 2010 to replace the Foreign Currency Reserves Fund (FCRF). While the FCRF was meant to safeguard oil income for future generations, the NDF has increasingly been used to cover budget deficits, despite the state objective of investing oil revenues.
The fund has long operated under the direct control of supreme leader Ali Khamenei, with administrations needing his approval for withdrawals.
One of Pezeshkian’s first moves in office was to request funds to pay wheat farmers.
In recent years, billions have been syphoned to the IRGC and the state broadcaster, functioning as main vehicles of Khamenei’s hard and soft power.
The NDF’s share of oil and gas revenues dropped from 40% to 20% in the two years ending December 2024, according to Didban Iran citing a deputy of Iran’s budget office Hamid Amani Hamadani.
Iran’s private sector owed $7bn to the fund in January 2025, according to senior NDF official Mehdi Ghazanfari. This is a debt repaid slowly in local currency, which the fund must convert to dollars at below-market rates.
Ghazanfari put the total pay-outs from the fund to the administration at just above $103bn in 12 years. He also said $45bn had been loaned to private-sector in the same period—often to firms with ties to the IRGC or the supreme leader’s office